(12) We read (Anglia Sacra, i. 335) of Æthelric, Bishop of the South-Saxons at the time of the Conquest, as “vir antiquissimus et legum terræ sapientissimus.” So Adelelm, the first Norman Abbot of Abingdon, found much benefit from the legal knowledge of certain of his English monks (Chronicon Monasterii de Abingdon, ii. 2), “quibus tanta secularium facundia et præteritorum memoria eventorum inerat, ut cæteri circumquaque facile eorum sententiam ratam fuisse, quam edicerent, approbarent.” The writer adds, “Sed et alii plures de Anglis causidici per id tempus in abbatia ista habebantur quorum collationi nemo sapiens refragabatur.” But knowledge of the law was not an exclusively clerical accomplishment; for among the grounds for the election of King Harold himself, we find (de Inventione Sanctæ Crucis Walthamensis, p. 25, Stubbs) that one was “quia non erat eo prudentior in terra, armis strenuus magis, legum terræ sagacior.” See Norman Conquest, ii. 538, iv. 366, 478. (13) On the growth of the lawyers’ theory of the royal prerogative, and its utter lack of historical standing-ground, I must refer once for all to Allen’s Inquiry into the Rise and Growth of the Royal Prerogative in England. (14) See Norman Conquest, ii. 330. (15) The history of this memorable revolution will be found in Lingard, iii. 392-405, and the legal points are brought out by Hallam, Middle Ages, ii. 214. He remarks that “In this revolution of 1399 there was as remarkable an attention shown to the formalities of the constitution, allowance made for the men and the times, as in that of 1688;” and, speaking of the device by which the same Parliament was brought together again, he adds, “In this contrivance, more than in all the rest, we may trace the hand of lawyers.” The official version entered on the rolls of Parliament by command of Henry will be found in Walsingham, ii. 234-238. Some care seems to be used to avoid using the name of Parliament in the account of the actual proceedings. It is said just before, “Rex perductus est Londonias, conservandus in Turri usque ad Parliamentum proximo celebrandum.” And the writs are said to have been sent “ad personas regni qui de jure debeant interesse Parliamento.” But when they have come together (“quibus convenientibus”) care seems to be taken to give the Assembly no particular name, till, in the Act of Richard’s deposition, the actors are described as “pares et proceres regni Angliæ spirituales et temporales, et ejus regni communitates, omnes status ejusdem regni repræsentantes;” and in the Act of Henry’s election they are described as “domini tam spirituales quam temporales, et omnes regni status.” In the Act of deposition Richard’s resignation of the Crown is recorded, as well as his particular crimes and his general unfitness to wear it, all which are classed together as reasons for his deposition. The actual formula of deposition runs thus:—“propter præmissa, et eorum