The historians' history of the world in twenty-five volumes, volume 03 : $b Greece to the Peloponnesian War
History
The historians' history of the world in twenty-five volumes, volume 03 : $b Greece to the Peloponnesian War
World history
Destructive as were the effects of the continual wars, and especially
of the raids of the Celtic hordes in Asia Minor, nevertheless there
pulsates here a fresh, progressive life, to which the future seems to
belong. To be sure, there is no lack of counter disturbance; beneath the
surface of Hellenism, the native population that is absorbed into the
Greek life everywhere preserves its own character, not through active
resistance, but through the passivity of its nature. When the orientals
become Hellenised, Hellenism itself begins at the same time to take on an
oriental impress.
But in this there lies no danger as yet. Hellenism everywhere retains
the upper hand and seems to come nearer and nearer to the goal of its
mission for the world. In all fields of intellectual life the cultured
classes have undisputed control and can look down with absolute contempt
on the currents that move the masses far beneath them; the exponents of
philosophical enlightenment may imagine they have completely dominated
them. When the great ideas upon which Hellenism is based have been
created by the classical period and new ones can no longer be placed
beside them, the new time sets to work to perfect what it has inherited.
The third century is the culmination of ancient science.
However, this whole civilisation lacks one thing, and that is a state
of natural growth. Of all the states that developed out of Alexander’s
empire, the kingdom of the Antigonidæ in Macedonia was the only one that
had a national basis; and therefore, in spite of the scantiness of its
resources, it was also the most capable of resistance of them all. All
others, on the contrary, were purely artificial political combinations,
lacking that innate necessity vital to the full power of a state. They
might have been altogether different, or they might not have been at
all. The separation of state and nationality, which is the result of
the development of the ancient East, exists in them also; they are not
supported by the population, which, by the contingencies of political
development, is for the moment included in them, and their subjects, so
far as the individual man or community is not bound to them by personal
advantage, have no further interest in their existence. To be sure, had
they maintained their existence for centuries, the power of custom might
have sufficed to give them a firmer constitution, such as many later
similar political formations have acquired and such as the Austrian
monarchy possesses to-day; and as a matter of fact we find the loyalty
of subjects to the reigning dynasty already quite strongly developed in
the kingdom of the Seleucidæ. But a national state can never arise on
the basis of a universal, denationalised civilisation, and the unity
is consequently only political, based only upon the dynasty and its
political successes. Therefore, except in Macedonia, none of these states
can, even in the struggle for existence, set in motion the full national
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