The historians' history of the world in twenty-five volumes, volume 06 : $b the early Roman Empire
History
The historians' history of the world in twenty-five volumes, volume 06 : $b the early Roman Empire
World history
We have no reason to doubt the honesty of Augustus’ intentions, but it
is obvious that all the prerogatives of the senate insured it a fair
share in the government only so long as the sovereign chose to respect
them. The reign of terror under his successors sufficed to set in the
most glaring light the absolute impotence of the senate when opposed to
a despot, and overturned the neatly balanced system of Augustus. It is
easier, we cannot but confess, to blame the author of this system and to
demonstrate its impracticability than to put a better in its place. For
can it be supposed that if Augustus had set up an absolute monarchy such
as Cæsar contemplated, the Romans would have been spared the tyranny of a
Caligula or a Nero? Again, if Augustus had handed over to the senate even
a share in the command of the army, would the empire have been so much as
possible, or would he not immediately have conjured up the demon of civil
war? Nor was the co-operation of the senate in the government altogether
a failure; it proved salutary under emperors such as Nerva and his
successors. The history of all ages goes to prove that chartered rights
are of no avail against despots, and what guarantee is there in modern
monarchies for the maintenance of a constitution confirmed by oath,
except the conscience of the sovereign, and, even more, the steadfast
will of the nation, which will endure no curtailment of its rights?
UNFULFILLED POSSIBILITIES
But the Roman nation existed no more, and in the senate under the empire
a Cineas would now have seen, not a council of kings, but, like the
emperor Tiberius, an assemblage of men prepared to brook any form of
servitude. If it had been possible to give legal representation to the
Roman citizens in Italy and the romanised provinces, the system devised
by Augustus might have been destined to enjoy a longer lease of life.
The emperor Claudius, who had some sensible ideas intermingled with his
follies, would have admitted Gauls of noble birth to the senate, as
Julius Cæsar had done. We can read in Tacitus of the vehement opposition
with which this proposal was received by the senators, who would not
hear of any diminution of their exclusive class privileges; and even
the Spaniard Seneca has nothing but angry scorn for the defunct emperor
who wanted to make the whole world a present of the rights of Roman
citizenship and “to see all Greeks, Gauls, Spaniards, and Britons, in the
toga.”
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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