The historians' history of the world in twenty-five volumes, volume 07 : $b the history of the later Roman Empire
History
The historians' history of the world in twenty-five volumes, volume 07 : $b the history of the later Roman Empire
World history
Renaissance grows more absurd. Our perspective should rather be that of
a long slope of the ascending centuries, rising steadily but slowly from
the time of the invasions till the full modern period.
Let us look at the details. The break-up of the Roman world which
resulted in the first planting of the modern nations, did not cause that
vast calamity which we call the Dark Age. The invasion of the Teutons and
the infusion of their vigour into the effete society of southern Europe
was not a fatal blow to civilisation. Rude as they were when first they
crossed the frontiers of the empire, the German peoples, and especially
their leaders, gave promise that almost in their own day whatever was
of permanent value in the Roman world should be re-incorporated into
the new society. This series of recoveries had to be repeated with
every new people, but it finally seemed about to culminate in the wider
renaissance of Charlemagne. By the year 800 it looked as though Europe
were already on the clear path to modern times. But just as the young
Teutonic civilisation reached the light, a second wave of invasion came
dashing over it. The Vikings, whom Charlemagne’s aged eyes may have
watched stealing past the hills of Calais, not only swept the northern
seas, but harried Frankland from the Rhine to the Rhone, until progress
was at a standstill and the only thought of the ninth century was that of
defence. Then the Hungarians came raiding up the Danube valley, and the
Slavs pressed in upon the North. Along the coasts of the Mediterranean
the Moorish corsairs were stifling the weak commerce of Italian towns,
and landing they attacked such ports as Pisa and even sacked a part of
Rome. The nascent civilisation of the Teutons was forced to meet a danger
such as would call for all the legions of Augustus. No wonder the weak
Caroline kings sank under the burden and the war lords of the different
tribes grew stronger as the nerveless state fell defenceless before the
second great migration, or maintained but partial safety in the natural
strongholds of the land.
In such a situation self-defence became a system. The palisade upon some
central hill, the hedge and thicket in the plain, or the ditch in the
morass, became the shelter and the centre of life for every neighbourhood
that stood in the track of the new barbarians. The owner of the fastness
led his neighbours and his tenants to battle; they gave him their labour
for his protection, the palisades grew into stone walls and the “little
camps” (_castella_) became the feudal castles. Those grim, battlemented
towers, that rise up before us out of the dark age, were the signs of
hope for the centuries that followed. Society was saved, but it was
transformed. The protection of a time of danger became oppression in
a time of safety, and the feudal tyranny fastened upon Europe with a
strength that cities and kings could only moderate but not destroy.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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