The History of Antiquity, Vol. 6 (of 6)Duncker, Max
History
The History of Antiquity, Vol. 6 (of 6)
Duncker, Max
History, Ancient
so widely known, even in their inventions, Büdinger objects: "The
chronological relations in Lydian-Persian history were neither various
nor generally known, when Herodotus visited Delphi." The objection would
be pertinent if the legend of the priests had only been manufactured
during Herodotus' stay at Delphi, and for his use. This is not tenable.
The fall of Croesus was an event which deeply moved the Hellenic world,
and created the most lively astonishment; the responses of Delphi had
allured him to war; the oracle must at once justify itself if it were
not to lose considerably in its authority. The justification must,
therefore, have been invented at once; in the cities of Anatolia it
would be best known at that time how and when the Mede came into the
land with the fall of Croesus ([Greek: pêlikos êsth' hoth' ho Mêdos
aphiketo]; Xenophanes in Athenaeus, p. 54), and it was also known
everywhere how long before the great presents of Croesus had come to
Miletus and Delphi. This must be noticed by the Delphian priests. But,
as I have expressly said, I have not laid any great stress on this fact,
but on the burning of the temple in 548 B.C., for that is the only
certain point which can be gained. It does not seem possible to me to
make Xenophon's account of the Lydian and Babylonian wars of Cyrus in
the Cyropaedia a reason for placing the overthrow of Croesus in 541 B.C.
and putting back the beginning of the third tyranny of Pisistratus to
that date in order to suit this account. There are also reasons of fact
against such a date, which are given elsewhere.
[23] Herod. 1, 153.
[24] Plat. "Protagoras," p. 327. Demosth. "De Corona," 24; Aesch. "in
Ctesiph." 137, and the Scholia.
[25] Polyb. 7, 15; 8, 22.
[26] Raoul Rochette, "Mémoires de l'institut," 17, 2, p. 278 ff.
[27] Herod. 1, 87.
[28] Büdinger objects to this view that the Lydian tradition, which
would be favourable to Croesus, could not possibly convert the merit of
such a sacrifice into an execution. Whether the tradition of the Lydians
was favourable or not to Croesus is not handed down; that the Greeks
were favourable to him we know for certain. It is the tradition of the
Greek cities--favourable to Croesus and unfavourable to Cyrus--which we
have in the account of Herodotus. The rescue of Croesus and the wisdom
of Solon were the points of view given in the Greek tradition and
guiding it. If Nicolaus of Damascus has used Xanthus, and his account
rests on a combination of the Greek and Lydian tradition--it is
precisely in his account that the sacrifice, and the prevention of it by
rain, comes out more clearly than in Herodotus.
[29] Steph. Byzant. [Greek: Barênê]. The Barce of Justin (1, 7) must be
the same city. [Barene in Jeep's ed.] Ptolem. 6, 2, 8; "Vend." 1, 68.
CHAPTER VII.
THE SUBJUGATION OF ASIA MINOR.
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