The history of our Navy from its origin to the present day, 1775-1897, vol. 4 (of 4) — John Shaqi
The history of our Navy from its origin to the present day, 1775-1897, vol. 4 (of 4)Spears, John Randolph
History
The history of our Navy from its origin to the present day, 1775-1897, vol. 4 (of 4)
Spears, John Randolph
United States. Navy -- History; United States. Navy -- History -- Spanish-American War, 1898
But while the patriot holds up his head in pride at the thought of the
ships of 1859, he hesitates and stammers when he comes to tell of the
men--of the _personnel_ of the navy. It was a far cry from the sailing
ships of the old days to the steam frigates of the later, but it was
a farther one, and a cry over the shoulder at that, from the men who
swept the seas under the once-despised gridiron flag to those who
carried the American naval commissions in 1859. It was not that courage
and enterprise were dead, or knowledge and skill were lacking. There
were, of course, men a-plenty who were brave and tactful and energetic
and learned--plenty who were to become during the war men of the widest
fame. But “long years of peace, the unbroken course of seniority
promotion, and the absence of any provision for retirement,” had served
the officers as lying in ordinary served white oak ships. Nearly all
of the captains were more than sixty years old. The commanders at the
head of the list were between fifty-eight and sixty years of age. There
were lieutenants more than fifty years old, and only a few of the
lieutenants had known the responsibility of a separate command.
And then, “as a matter of fact,” as Professor J. R. Soley says in his
work on “The Blockade and the Cruisers,” “it was no uncommon thing, in
1861, to find officers in command of steamers who had never served in
steamers before, and _who were far more anxious about their boilers_
than about their enemy.”
But that was not all nor the worst that can be said of the _personnel_
of that day, for a sentiment--a faith--had developed and spread to
a degree that now seems almost incredible, under which men who had
made oath that they would always defend the Constitution of the United
States came to believe that they were under obligations to draw their
swords against the flag they had sworn to defend--the flag which some
of them had defended with magnificent courage.
That the politicians should have been secessionists is not at all a
matter of wonder. It was entirely natural. But how a Tatnall, the story
of whose bravery at Vera Cruz still thrills the heart; how an Ingraham,
whose quick defence of the rights of a half-fledged American in the
Mediterranean is still an example to all naval officers--how these men
could have placed the call of friends and neighbors and a State above
the obligation of their oath to support the Constitution, is something
that is now incomprehensible.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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