The History of Tammany Hall: Second EditionMyers, Gustavus
History
The History of Tammany Hall: Second Edition
Myers, Gustavus
New York (N.Y.) -- Politics and government; Tammany Hall (Political organization)
“We are united. We believe in our cause. It is the cause of
constitutional liberty, of personal rights, of a fraternity of
States, of an economical government, of the financial credit
of the nation, of one currency for all men, rich and poor, and
of the political supremacy of the white race and protection
of American labor.… [Hoffman] is the friend of the poor, the
sympathizer with the naturalized citizen, and the foe to
municipal oppression in the form of odious excise and all other
requisitional laws.… Is not the pending contest preeminently
one of capital against labor, of money against popular rights,
and of political power against the struggling interests of the
masses?”
Public addresses and pronunciamentos, however, formed but a small part
of the Tammany program for 1868. For six weeks the naturalization mills
worked with the greatest regularity in the Supreme, Common Pleas and
Superior Courts, producing, it was estimated, from 25,000 to 30,000
citizens, of whom not less than 85 per cent. voted the Tammany Hall
ticket. On October 30 Tweed announced to the general committee that
“at 10 o’clock to-morrow the money for electioneering purposes will
be distributed” and that those who came first would be served first.
The chairman of the executive committee spread forth the glad tidings
that there was $1,000 ready for each election district. There being
327 election districts, this made a fund of $327,000 from the general
committee alone, exclusive of the sums derived in the districts
themselves from the saloon-keepers and the tradesmen, whose fear of
inviting reprisals by Tammany officials made them “easy marks” for
assessments. Tweed personally suggested to the twenty-four leaders the
stuffing of ballot boxes.[4] By fraudulent naturalization, repeating,
the buying and trading of votes, and intimidation, Seymour secured
a total of 108,316 votes, against 47,762 for Grant. The whole vote
of the city was swelled to 156,288, of which, it was conclusively
demonstrated, at least 25,000 were fraudulent.[5] Tweed himself
confessed, nine years later, that he thought the Inspectors of
Elections “lumped” the votes and declared them without counting, in
order to overcome the result in the rest of the State and give the
electoral vote to Seymour.[6] To prevent the Republicans from getting
the use of certain telegraph wires on election night, Tweed sent out
long, useless messages, and it was even proposed to telegraph the whole
Bible if necessary.[7]
Hoffman was swept into the Governorship on the strength of the frauds.
His election left vacant the Mayor’s chair, and a special election to
fill it was called for the first Tuesday of December.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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