The History of the Confederate War, Its Causes and Its Conduct, Volume 1 (of 2): A Narrative and Critical HistoryEggleston, George Cary
History
The History of the Confederate War, Its Causes and Its Conduct, Volume 1 (of 2): A Narrative and Critical History
Eggleston, George Cary
United States -- History -- Civil War, 1861-1865
When the states had achieved their independence, they undertook to live
together in the loosely formed union thus provided. They quickly found
it impossible to do so. Not only was their central government powerless
to fulfil its obligations to other countries, or to pay its debts at
home, or to enforce its authority, or to levy and collect taxes, or to
provide securely and properly for the maintenance of an army, a navy,
a postal service or anything else of a national character or to do with
certainty and authority any other of the things which a nation that
expects respect may and must do, but it could not in any effective way
regulate trade either with foreign countries or between the states.
Each state had the reserved right to interfere with the transit of
goods across its borders in ways that threatened presently to render
trade among the states impossible.
It was in view of these distressing conditions that the statesmen of
Virginia appealed to those of the other states for a conference looking
to the devising of a better way, "a more perfect Union." The conference
thus called at Annapolis was attended by representatives from only
five of the states. But it led to the calling of that Philadelphia
Convention which, under Washington's presidency, and with the united
wisdom of the most sagacious statesman in all the commonwealths, framed
the Federal Constitution.
The task was one of extraordinary difficulty. The old jealousies of the
states remained in scarcely abated force. Each feared to surrender any
part of its sovereignty. Each dreaded the possible interference of the
others with its domestic concerns. Each feared and dreaded a national
power that might some day control a state's actions and coerce it into
an obedience derogatory to its sovereignty. The less populous states
feared the possible dominance of the more populous, and all of them
alike feared the possibly oppressive power of a national executive.
After months of such labor as statesmen have rarely given to the
framing of a fundamental law, all these differences were adjusted
and in a considerable degree, though not wholly, the individual
apprehensions of the several states were allayed.
The equal representation of states as such, without reference to
the numbers of their population, was provided for in the peculiar
constitution of the Senate, in the organization of the electoral
college which chooses the president and still again in the provision
of the Constitution that in case of no election to the presidency the
choice shall be left to the popular house of Congress, but with the
express condition that each state's representatives in that body,
however numerous or however few, shall have one and only one vote.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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