The history of the rise, progress, and establishment of the independence of the United States of America, Vol. 1 (of 3) : $b Including an account of the late war, and of the thirteen colonies, from their origin to that periodGordon, William
History
The history of the rise, progress, and establishment of the independence of the United States of America, Vol. 1 (of 3) : $b Including an account of the late war, and of the thirteen colonies, from their origin to that period
Gordon, William
United States -- History -- Colonial period, ca. 1600-1775; United States -- History -- Revolution, 1775-1783
dominion of his majesty, the sum of three-pence—the monies arising,
after charges of raising, collecting, &c. are to be paid into the
receipt of his majesty’s exchequer—shall be entered separate, and be
reserved to be disposed of by parliament, toward defraying the necessary
expences of defending, &c. the British colonies.” The wording of the act
might induce the colonies to view it as the beginning of sorrows; and
they might fear that the parliament would go on in charging them with
such taxes as it pleased, for such military forces as it should think
proper.—This ill prospect seemed to the Americans boundless in extent,
and endless in duration.
They objected not to the _parliament’s right of laying duties to
regulate commerce_; but the _right of taxing them_ was not admitted. The
ministerial plan sent to Mr. Shirley in 1754, occasioned much
conversation on the subject, and the common opinion was, that the
parliament could not tax them till duly represented in that body,
because it was not just, nor agreeable to the nature of the English
constitution. But though few or none were willing to admit the _right_,
the generality were cautious, how they denied the _power_, or the
obligation to submit on the part of the Americans, when the power was
exercised. Even Mr. _Otis_ tells us, “we must and ought to yield
obedience to an act of parliament, though erroneous, till repealed.”[72]
“The power of parliament, is uncontrolable, but by themselves, and we
must obey. There would be an end of all government, if one or a number
of subordinate provinces should take upon themselves so far as to judge
of the justice of an act of parliament, as to refuse obedience to it. If
their was nothing else to restrain such a step, prudence ought to do it;
for forcibly resisting the parliament and the king’s law is high
treason. Therefore let the parliament lay what burthens they please upon
us we must, it is our duty to submit, and patiently to bear them, till
they will be pleased to relieve us.”[73] He went so far as to publish
“It is certain that the parliament of Great-Britain has a just and
equitable right, power and authority, to impose taxes on the colonies,
internal and external, on lands as well as on trade.”[74] “The supreme
legislative represents the whole society or community, as well the
dominions as the realm. This is implied in the idea of a supreme power;
and if the parliament had not such an authority, the colonies would be
independent.”[75] But the two last quotations were extorted from him
through fear of being called to an account for the part he had acted, or
for what he had before advanced in print, conversation or debate. His
first pamphlet, _The Rights of the_ BRITISH _Colonies_, which had been
twice read over in the house of assembly within the space of five days,
though guarded by some expressions, had a strong tendency to excite a
powerful opposition to ministerial plans; especially where he says, “I
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