The history of the rise, progress, and establishment of the independence of the United States of America, Vol. 1 (of 3) : $b Including an account of the late war, and of the thirteen colonies, from their origin to that periodGordon, William
History
The history of the rise, progress, and establishment of the independence of the United States of America, Vol. 1 (of 3) : $b Including an account of the late war, and of the thirteen colonies, from their origin to that period
Gordon, William
United States -- History -- Colonial period, ca. 1600-1775; United States -- History -- Revolution, 1775-1783
[30.] A committee of the house reported a letter to Lord _Hillsborough_,
setting forth the several votes and resolutions which passed in the last
house of representatives, relating to the circular letter; and showing
that the whole of these matters was transacted in the height of the
cession in a full house, and by a large majority. The letter was
approved of by 93 out of 105 members present, and ordered to be
transmitted to his lordship. The house agreed also upon a message to the
governor, in which they said, “It is to us incomprehensible that we
should be required, on the peril of a dissolution of the general court,
to rescind a resolution of a former house, when it is evident, that that
resolution has no existence but as a mere historical fact. Your
excellency must know, that the resolution is, to speak in the language
of the common law, not now executory, but to all intents and purposes
executed. If, as is most probable, by the word rescinding is intended
the passing a vote, in direct and express disapprobation of the measure
taken by the former house as illegal, inflammatory, and tending to
promote unjustifiable combinations against his majesty’s peace, crown
and dignity, we must take the liberty to testify and publicly declare,
that we take it to be the native, inherent, and indefeasible right of
the subject, jointly or severally, to petition the king for the redress
of grievances; provided alway, that the same be done in a decent,
dutiful, loyal and constitutional way, without tumult, disorder and
confusion.—If the votes of the house are to be controuled by the
direction of a minister, we have left us but a vain semblance of
liberty.—We have now only to inform you, that this house have voted _not
to rescind_, and that on a division on the question, there were
ninety-two nays, and seventeen yeas.” The message was firm, patriotic,
and spirited; and in some parts allusively severe upon the governor, but
every where decently expressed. The rescinders were governmental
receivers or expectants. They had, or looked for a reward for their
crouching compliance. The next day [July 1.] the governor passed some
necessary acts, and then dissolved the assembly. It is scarce
conceivable how a new assembly of representatives could think themselves
capable of being more grossly insulted, than by being made accountable
for the proceedings of a dissolved and dead one, and by being punished
with immediate destruction for not declaring themselves of opposite
sentiments to their predecessors. Mr. _Otis_, in his speech against
rescinding, said, “When Lord Hillsborough knows that we will not rescind
our acts, he should apply to parliament to rescind theirs. _Let Britain
rescind their measures or they are lost for ever._” His speech, by the
patriotic enthusiasts was extolled to the skies; and by the governmental
ones, was declared to be the most violent, insolent, abusive,
treasonable declamation, that perhaps ever was delivered. While the
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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