The founding of the kingdoms of modern Europe might have been
anticipated by two hundred years, had the barbarians been bolder, or
had there not arisen in Diocletian a prince active and politic enough
to bind up the fragments before they had lost all cohesion, meeting
altered conditions by new remedies. By dividing and localizing
authority, he confessed that the weaker heart could no longer make its
pulsations felt to the body's extremities. He parcelled out the
supreme power among four persons, and then sought to give it a
factitious strength, by surrounding it with an oriental pomp which his
earlier predecessors would have scorned. The sovereign's person became
more sacred, and was removed further from the subject by the
interposition of a host of officials. The prerogative of Rome was
menaced by the rivalry of Nicomedia, and the nearer greatness of
Milan. Constantine trod in the same path, extending the system of
titles and functionaries, separating the civil from the military,
placing counts and dukes along the frontiers and in the cities, making
the household larger, its etiquette stricter, its offices more
important, though to a Roman eye degraded by their attachment to the
monarch's person. The crown became, for the first time, the fountain
of honour. These changes brought little good. Heavier taxation
depressed the aristocracy[4]: population decreased, agriculture
withered, serfdom spread: it was found more difficult to raise native
troops and to pay any troops whatever. The removal of the seat of
power to Byzantium, if it prolonged the life of a part of the Empire,
shook it as a whole, by making the separation of East and West
inevitable. By it Rome's self-abnegation that she might Romanize the
world, was completed; for though the new capital preserved her name,
and followed her customs and precedents, yet now the imperial sway
ceased to be connected with the city which had created it. Thus did
the idea of Roman monarchy become more universal; for, having lost its
local centre, it subsisted no longer historically, but, so to speak,
naturally, as a part of an order of things which a change in external
conditions seemed incapable of disturbing. Henceforth the Empire would
be unaffected by the disasters of the city. And though, after the
partition of the Empire had been confirmed by Valentinian, and finally
settled on the death of Theodosius, the seat of the Western government
was removed first to Milan and then to Ravenna, neither event
destroyed Rome's prestige, nor the notion of a single imperial
nationality common to all her subjects. The Syrian, the Pannonian, the
Briton, the Spaniard, still called himself a Roman[5].
[Sidenote: Christianity.]
[Sidenote: Its alliance with the State.]
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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