The Honorable Peter Stirling and What People Thought of HimFord, Paul Leicester
General
The Honorable Peter Stirling and What People Thought of Him
Ford, Paul Leicester
Labor movement -- Fiction; Love stories; New York (N.Y.) -- Fiction; Political fiction; Tenement houses -- Fiction
“The only Republican the ward has chosen since 1862 was elected in that
year. It was a great surprise to every one—even to myself—for the ward
is Democratic by about four thousand majority. But I couldn’t do that
sort of thing often, for the men wouldn’t stand it. In other words, I
can only do what I want myself, by doing enough else that the men wish.
That is, the more I can do to please the men, the more they yield their
opinions to mine.”
“Then the bosses really can’t do what they want?”
“No. Or at least not for long. That is a newspaper fallacy. A relic of
the old idea that great things are done by one-man power. If you will
go over the men who are said to control—the bosses, as they are
called—in this city, you will find that they all have worked their way
into influence slowly, and have been many years kept in power, though
they could be turned out in a single fight. Yet this power is obtained
only by the wish of a majority, for the day they lose the consent of a
majority of the voters that day their power ends. We are really more
dependent than the representatives, for they are elected for a certain
time, while our tenure can be ended at any moment. Why am I a power in
my ward? Because I am supposed to represent a given number of votes,
which are influenced by my opinions. It would be perfectly immaterial
to my importance how I influenced those votes, so long as I could
control them. But because I can influence them, the other leaders don’t
dare to antagonize me, and so I can have my way up to a certain point.
And because I can control the ward I have made it a great power in city
politics.”
“How did you do that?”
“By keeping down the factional feeling. You see there are always more
men struggling for power or office, than can have it, and so there
cannot but be bad blood between the contestants. For instance, when I
first became interested in politics, Moriarty and Blunkers were quite
as anxious to down each other as to down the Republicans. Now they are
sworn friends, made so in this case, by mere personal liking for me.
Some have been quieted in this way. Others by being held in check.
Still others by different means. Each man has to be studied and
understood, and the particular course taken which seems best in his
particular case. But I succeeded even with some who were pretty bitter
antagonists at first, and from being one of the most uncertain wards in
the city, the sixth has been known at headquarters for the last five
years as ‘old reliability’ from the big majority it always polls. So at
headquarters I am looked up to and consulted. Now do you understand why
and what a boss is?”
“Yes, Peter. Except why bosses are bad.”
“Don’t you see that it depends on what kind of men they are, and what
kind of voters are back of them. A good man, with honest votes back of
him, is a good boss, and _vice versa_.”
“Then I know you are a good boss. It’s a great pity that all the bosses
can’t be good?”
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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