possible) the victor will be considerably worse off after the fight
than before it. In 1861 the Northern and Southern States of America
fought, as prize-fighters say, "to a finish"; and the North carried its
point, yet at such a heavy cost to itself that the Southern States have
by no means been reduced to ciphers; for the victorious majority have
ever since felt that it would be better to give way on any but the most
vital issues than to provoke such another struggle. But it is not often
that a peremptory question arises between a majority and minority of
a whole nation. In most matters only a fragment of the nation has any
interest one way or the other; and the same man who is in a majority on
one question is in a minority on another, and so learns by experience
that minorities have "rights" which must be attended to. Minorities,
too, as in the case of the Irish Party in the English Parliament,
occasionally hold the balance of power between majorities which
recognize their rights and majorities which deny them. Further, it is
possible by decentralization to limit the power of the majority of the
whole nation to questions upon which a divided policy is impracticable.
For example, it is not only possible, but democratically expedient, to
federate the municipalities of England in such a manner that Leicester
might make vaccination penal whilst every other town in the island made
it compulsory. Even at present, vaccination is not in fact compulsory
in Leicester, though it is so in law. Theoretically, Leicester has been
reduced to a cipher by the rest of England. Practically, Leicester
counts twelve to the dozen as much as ever in purely local affairs.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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