The industrial republic: a study of the America of ten years henceSinclair, Upton
History
The industrial republic: a study of the America of ten years hence
Sinclair, Upton
Socialism -- United States; United States -- Economic conditions -- 1865-1918; United States -- Social conditions -- 1865-1918
So it would be, if the workingman were content to take his doctrines
from the other side—from the retainers of those “to whom God in His
Infinite Wisdom has entrusted the care of the property interests of the
country.” But, meantime, the workingman has been thinking for
himself—and evolving a quite new doctrine, all his own, concerning the
property interests of the country. This doctrine is, in a word, that the
means of production of wealth belong of right to no individual, but to
the whole people; and that in the hour of the collapse of the
profit-making system, the thing for the people to do is to take
possession of the machinery, and use it to produce goods, no longer for
those who own, but for those who work.
And that brings me to the second of my tasks. I have shown the “great
underlying economic cause, working irresistibly to force the issue”;
there remains to show the consequent “movement of protest.”
I have before me, as I write, a little pamphlet published by the
“Standard Publishing Company,” of Terre Haute, Indiana, and entitled,
“The American Movement,” by Eugene V. Debs. It opens with the statement
that “The twentieth century, according to the prophecy of Victor Hugo,
is to be the century of humanity,” and will witness “the crash of
despotism and the rise of world-wide democracy, freedom and
brotherhood.” The reader, continuing, soon discovers that the “American
movement,” with which this pamphlet deals, is the American Socialist
movement. The writer tells of its early “Utopian” forms, the Owenites
and the Brook-farmers, and names the exiles who came from abroad in
1848, bringing the Marxian doctrine, and influencing such men as Horace
Greeley and Parke Godwin. “The first large society to adopt and
propagate Socialism in America,” he writes, “was composed of the German
Gymnastic Unions. Through the sixties and seventies the agitation
steadily increased, local organisations were formed in various parts of
the country. Following the Paris Commune of 1871, and its tragic ending,
many French radicals came to our shores and gave new spirit to the
movement. In 1876 the Workingman’s Party was organised, and in 1877, at
the convention held in Newark, it became the Socialist Labour Party. The
Socialists were intent upon building up a working-class party for
independent political action.” This party, “composed of thoughtful,
intelligent men, aggressive and progressive, of rugged honesty and
thrilled with the revolutionary spirit and aspiration for freedom,
became from its inception a decided factor in the labour movement. The
busy, ignorant world about the revolutionary nucleus knew little or
nothing about it; had no conception of its significance, and looked upon
its adherents as foolish fanatics whose antics were harmless and whose
designs would dissolve like bubbles on the surface of a stream. In
March, 1885, was inaugurated the strike of the Knights of Labour. On May
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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