The industrial republic: a study of the America of ten years hence — John Shaqi
The industrial republic: a study of the America of ten years henceSinclair, Upton
History
The industrial republic: a study of the America of ten years hence
Sinclair, Upton
Socialism -- United States; United States -- Economic conditions -- 1865-1918; United States -- Social conditions -- 1865-1918
There is some competition in the world to-day among the nations; there
was recently competition between Russia and Japan, and there will
perhaps be competition between some of the others. But what competition
is left to-day within the limits of the United States, is left simply
because it is of a kind so petty that the capitalists have not yet had
time to bother with it. For the most part it exists between a swarm of
retailers of trust-made products, and takes the form of the screwing
down of the wages of helpless clerks and errand-boys, the adulteration
of products, and the placarding of the surface of the land with blatant
advertisements which affect a decent man like the stench of a carcass.
One of the “competitive” industries that is flourishing just now is that
of cereals prepared in packages and labelled with names that suggest
Hiawatha and the South Sea Islands. The usual price of one of these
packages is fifteen cents, and of that, two cents and a half represents
the cost of the product, and nearly all of the balance goes into the
effort to trap the public into buying it. And did not the “boodle”
investigations in Missouri disclose the fact that William Ziegler had
spent a fortune in bribing newspapers and legislatures to implant in the
public mind the idea that “alum baking-powders” were poisonous, so that
the Royal Baking Powder Trust might have the custom of the country?
But, you say, if competition perishes, what becomes of incentive—of
initiative? Will not individual enterprise be destroyed? I answer that
it depends entirely upon what you mean by individual enterprise. If you
mean that ardent desire which now consumes every man to cut his
neighbour’s economic throat, to get the better of him and make money out
of him, to beat him down and leave him a financial wreck—why,
civilisation will suppress this ardent desire in precisely the same way
that it has suppressed the duel, or the right of private vengeance, and
piracy, or the right of private war upon the high seas. The putting down
of these things went hard, you know, for they had been the greatest
glory of men, and all progress has been due to them. “Franz von
Sickingen was a robber-knight,” writes Henderson, in his “History of
Germany,” “but with such noble traits, and such a concept of his
calling, that one wonders if he ought not rather to be put on the level
of a belligerent prince. In carrying on feuds, he seldom aimed lower
than a duke, or a free city of the Empire; and there are persons who
insist to this day that his weapons were only drawn in favour of the
oppressed. Be that as it may, he was not above exacting enormous fines;
and being an excellent manager, he greatly increased his possessions. He
was lord of many castles, which he furnished with splendid defences.”
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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