The industrial republic: a study of the America of ten years henceSinclair, Upton
History
The industrial republic: a study of the America of ten years hence
Sinclair, Upton
Socialism -- United States; United States -- Economic conditions -- 1865-1918; United States -- Social conditions -- 1865-1918
And then there is the tariff. You, Mr. Steffens, are a man who has both
the ability and the honesty to think, and you know what the tariff is.
You know that it is a device to keep out foreign competition and thus
enable home manufacturers to charge higher prices. You know that in the
early days its effect was to make manufacturing possible by keeping
prices at a level where a fair profit was paid. Above this level they
could not go, because there was free domestic competition. The tariff
was thus a tax, self-imposed by every man in the country, for the
purpose of building up the country’s home industries; exactly as if the
owner of a sugar-plantation should conclude it would pay him to grind
his own cane, and should set aside his gains for a few years to buy the
machinery. Now I might stop to argue the socialistic implications of
such a procedure—involving as it does the doctrine that the manufactures
are the interest and concern of the whole people, to the advantages of
which, when completed, they all have a right. (No plantation master, I
take it, would expect to furnish himself with machinery out of the wages
of his hands.) Continuing, however, to discuss facts and not theories,
you see that these industries which we have “encouraged” have now become
the mightiest power in the land. It is they who have accomplished the
revolution and set up the “System”; it is they who use the money which
the people have turned over to them, to maintain and perpetuate the old
arrangement—an arrangement which now enables them, since they have
become monopolies, to charge for their products from thirty to fifty per
cent. more than a fair price, as is proven by what they charge abroad.
The workingman, you know, Mr. Steffens, has all this justified to him by
the fact that he gets his share of this “prosperity”; but of late the
workingman has been finding that he does _not_ get his share. He has
brought the industrial machinery of the country to such a pitch of
perfection that he produces more than the country needs; and so when
foreign markets fail he is out of work part of the time; and the mass of
unemployed labour operates by the “iron law” to beat down wages and to
break strikes, and to make his share less and less. And all the time, to
pay interest on the constantly increasing capital of the country, the
prices of trust products are being raised yet higher, and the cost of
living is rising, year by year.
In the cotton mills of Alabama and Georgia little children six and eight
years of age are working twelve hours for a wage of nine cents a day.
And how do you think they fare in this fearful race for profits—what do
you think is the effect upon them of the continued operation of the
“System”? You may remember that I said a little way back that there were
people in this country to whom the difference between to-day and
to-morrow is simply a difference between life and death. It was such
people as these I had in mind.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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