The Inquisition : $b a political and military study of its establishment — John Shaqi
The Inquisition : $b a political and military study of its establishmentNickerson, Hoffman
History
The Inquisition : $b a political and military study of its establishment
Nickerson, Hoffman
Albigenses; Christian heresies -- History -- Middle Ages, 600-1500; Inquisition; Prohibition
control over elections for a time long enough to enable its local
leaders to hand down their power to their sons. Clearly, after the
first disorder the change would cause, there would come a time when
each “leader” of a community, no matter how dull, could not help
seeing that it was to his own immediate personal benefit to see that
his domain was prosperous. To a time like our own such a change
would be disaster; to a time struggling doubtfully to keep alive
some vestige of civilized living, it was salvation. Finally, as we
have seen, the great step of abolishing the old slavery in favour of
serfdom had been taken, and the average labourer was more than half a
free man.
These primitive arrangements had come into being through no set
purpose but through the need of the miserable time for guarantees of
any sort of defence and production. The men who established them (or
rather fell into them) were not self-conscious, had no “political
theory” whatsoever. Their actions were spontaneous, and all their
simplicities came into and overspread the Roman order like weeds
growing on a ruin.
This same lack of self-consciousness helped to prevent any clear-cut
break with the past. The local nobles, each all but a little king,
continued to be called by the titles of imperial functionaries; the
count was still the “comes.” Because they had no political theory,
and lived in a world which had no memory of a time without kings
and emperors, it never occurred to them to propose that kings and
emperors should not be at all, although the homage of the local lord
to the overlord would clearly be a far flimsier thing than the homage
of their own needy little vassals to them.
There was a tendency on the part of the secular rulers, emperors,
kings, and nobles alike, to make of the officers of the Church
the instruments and functionaries of their own power. The local
noble wished to choose the village priest, his overlord wished to
“invest” the bishop. What would have happened had this tendency been
unchecked we cannot say. We know that only the Church stood for the
preservation of the great past through scholarship, for a moral
ideal, and above all for the unity of Europe. Therefore, it is just
to call the effort of the secular powers against her independence a
disintegrating tendency.
There was, however, a protest against lay supremacy, coming
principally from the monks and especially from the new order of
Cluny, so that the whole effort is called the Cluniac movement.
Meanwhile the Vikings who had settled in Normandy (alone of all the
outland barbarians who had come into the Empire and then disappeared,
sunk almost without a trace) had crossed with the native stock to
breed a strong new race that was to fight and govern. In the year
1000 the monkish protest and the Norman energy were just sprouting
above ground, and in the main the time was anarchic, formless.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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