The inquisition in the Spanish dependencies: Sicily—Naples—Sardinia—Milan—the Canaries—Mexico—Peru—New Granada — John Shaqi
The inquisition in the Spanish dependencies: Sicily—Naples—Sardinia—Milan—the Canaries—Mexico—Peru—New GranadaLea, Henry Charles
History
The inquisition in the Spanish dependencies: Sicily—Naples—Sardinia—Milan—the Canaries—Mexico—Peru—New Granada
Lea, Henry Charles
Inquisition
It is perhaps not surprising that this increased effectiveness of the
tribunal stimulated popular discontent, which found expression in a
petition from the Sicilian Parliament asking Ferdinand that the
Inquisition be required to observe the ancient canons and methods of
procedure, for many of those burnt in the autos asserted their
innocence, declaring that their confessions had been extorted by torture
and dying with every sign of being good Christians. It was further asked
that some limit be put to the issue of licences to bear arms and as to
the kind of persons licensed; that the judge of confiscations should
have a fixed salary and should not exact fees and that there should be
an appeal from him to the viceroy; also that those who in good faith
entered into contracts with persons reputed to be good Christians should
be able to collect their debts, in place of having them included in the
confiscation, the contrary practice being destructive to trade and
commerce.[33] There was also a special embassy from Palermo, complaining
that the inquisitors required the city authorities to renew every year
the oath of obedience and that they issued licences to bear arms to men
of evil life who caused much disorder and scandal.[34] Ferdinand
promised relief of these grievances and, in due course, a fresh series
of instructions was issued, in 1515, by Bishop Martin de Aspeitia and
the Aragonese Supreme Council, or Suprema. It limited the number of
familiars to thirty for Palermo, to twenty for Messina and Catania, to
fifteen for Syracuse and Trapani and to not over ten in other places;
they were to be men of approved character and were to carry certificates
identifying them, in the absence of which they could be disarmed by the
secular authorities. If officials were accused of serious crime, the
evidence was to be sent to the inquisitor-general when, if the proof was
sufficient, the offender would be dismissed and the inquisitor who had
tolerated it would be punished. Officials were deprived of the _voz
activa_ or right as plaintiffs to the jurisdiction of the tribunal,
although Dr. Martin Real assures us that experience had already shown
that they could not exist without it, so universally were they detested.
Their buying up of claims and matters in litigation, in which they had
the benefit of the tribunal as a court, was prohibited. The dowries of
wives were protected from confiscation when husbands were convicted and
dealings with those in good repute as Christians were held good, in case
of confiscation, so that the claims of creditors were allowed and, if
the fisc desired to seize alienated real estate, it was required to
refund the purchase-money to the buyer.[35] There were various other
reforms embodied in the instructions, all indicating a desire to avoid
injustice to innocent third parties, but the whole is interesting rather
as an exposure of customary abuses than as effecting their removal,
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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