The Journal of Negro History, Volume 6, 1921Various
History
The Journal of Negro History, Volume 6, 1921
Various
African Americans -- Periodicals
The citizenship of the Negro in this country is a fiction. The
Constitution of the United States guarantees to him every right
vouchsafed to any individual by the most liberal democracy on the face
of the earth, but despite the unusual powers of the Federal Government
this agent of the body politic has studiously evaded the duty of
safeguarding the rights of the Negro. The Constitution confers upon
Congress the power to declare war and make peace, to lay and collect
taxes, duties, imposts, and excises; to coin money, to regulate
commerce, and the like; and further empowers Congress "to make all
laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into execution
the foregoing powers and all other powers vested by this Constitution
in the Government of the United States, or in any department or
officer thereof." After the unsuccessful effort of Virginia and
Kentucky, through their famous resolutions of 1798 drawn up by
Jefferson and Madison to interpose State authority in preventing
Congress from exercising its powers, the United States Government with
Chief Justice John Marshall as the expounder of that document, soon
brought the country around to the position of thinking that, although
the Federal Government is one of enumerated powers, that government
and not that of States is the judge of the extent of its powers and,
"though limited in its powers, is supreme within its sphere of
action."[1] Marshall showed, too, that "there is no phrase in the
instrument which, like the Articles of Confederation, excludes
incidental or implied powers; and which requires that everything
granted shall be expressly and minutely described."[2] Marshall
insisted, moreover, "that the powers given to the government imply the
ordinary means of execution," and "to imply the means necessary to an
end is generally understood as implying any means, calculated to
produce the end and not as being confined to those single means
without which the end would be entirely unattainable."[3] He said:
"Let the end be legitimate, let it be within the scope of the
Constitution, and all means which are appropriate, which are plainly
adapted to that end, which are not prohibited, but consist with the
letter and the spirit of the Constitution, are constitutional."
Fortified thus, the Constitution became the rock upon which
nationalism was built and by 1833 there were few persons who
questioned the supremacy of the Federal Government, as did South
Carolina with its threats of nullification. Because of the beginning
of the intense slavery agitation not long thereafter, however, and the
division of the Democratic party into a national and a proslavery
group, the latter advocating State's rights to secure the perpetuation
of slavery, there followed a reaction after the death of John Marshall
in 1835, when the court abandoned to some extent the advanced position
of nationalism of this great jurist and drifted toward the localism
long since advocated by Judge Roane of Virginia.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
Reviews
Reviews
No reviews yet
Be the first to share your thoughts on this work.
Join the Discussion
Join the discussion
Sign in to leave a comment or review.
Sign InorCreate an account