The journal of the American-Irish Historical Society, Vol. III, 1900 — John Shaqi
The journal of the American-Irish Historical Society, Vol. III, 1900Various
History
The journal of the American-Irish Historical Society, Vol. III, 1900
Various
American-Irish Historical Society -- Periodicals; Ethnology -- United States -- Periodicals; Irish Americans -- Periodicals
Do some of the people really understand the meaning of patriotism?
Many seem to imagine it means blind obedience to any administration
which may be insidiously laboring to destroy our institutions. But I
have an abiding faith in the people of this country when they fully
appreciate a threatened danger. I believe with Burke “that the
people never give up their liberties but under some delusion.”
Are some of us laboring under the delusion that we are called upon
to govern the world, that we are to set forth with a few small
Bibles and a large supply of arms to force what we call our
civilization on an unwilling people in another hemisphere, while
thoughtful men are staggered at the problems of government
confronting us on the North American continent?
Shall we not profit by the lessons of history and recall what this
day means? It was the beginning of a movement against an empire
which aspired to govern the world. Yet those men on Lexington common
initiated a revolution which wrested from the diadem of Great
Britain the fairest jewel in her crown. May we not indulge to-day
somewhat in retrospection and examine the causes which led to our
revolt?
The British parliament had passed the stamp act, the tea tax and the
Boston port bill, yet those did not cause war; the real cause of the
battle of Lexington was the reconstruction act of 1774. Prior to
this act the councilors had been chosen by the people through their
representatives. By the new law the king was to appoint them, to
hold office during his pleasure. The superior judges were to hold at
the will of the king and to be dependent on his will for the amount
and payment of their salaries; the inferior judges were to be
removable by the royal governor at his discretion, he himself
holding at the king’s will.
The deepest reaching provision of the acts was aimed at the
town-meetings. They were prohibited, except the annual meeting to
elect officers, but no other meetings could be held without the
written permission of the royal governor. These acts of parliament
sought to change self-government into government by the king, and to
substitute for home rule, absolute rule at Westminster and St.
James’s palace.
Then came the military act, and in February, 1775, parliament
declared Massachusetts in rebellion. The instructions of Lord
Dartmouth, the secretary of state for the colonies, to General Gage,
the royal governor, ran like this: “Sovereignty of the king over the
colonies requires a full and absolute submission.” What a striking
similarity that has to some recent dispatches we have heard since we
acquired distant possessions.
General Gage’s call for 20,000 men, the assembling of 5,000 troops
at Boston, and the authority given to General Gage to fire on the
people, made war inevitable. We see again how history repeats
itself.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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