The Journal of the Debates in the Convention which Framed the Constitution of the United States, May-September 1787. Volume 1Madison, James
History
The Journal of the Debates in the Convention which Framed the Constitution of the United States, May-September 1787. Volume 1
Madison, James
Constitutional law -- United States; Constitutions -- United States; United States. Constitution
Will it be the British Gov^t? No. Why? Because G. Britain contains three
orders of people distinct in their situation, their possessions & their
principles.--These orders combined form the great body of the Nation.
And as in national expences the wealth of the whole community must
contribute, so ought each component part to be properly & duly
represented.--No other combination of power could form this due
representation, but the one that exists.--Neither the peers or the
people could represent the royalty, nor could the Royalty & the people
form a proper representation for the Peers.--Each therefore must of
necessity be represented by itself, or the sign of itself; and this
accidental mixture has certainly formed a Government admirably well
balanced.
But the U. States contain but one order that can be assimilated to the
British Nation,--this is the order of Commons. They will not surely then
attempt to form a Government consisting of three branches, two of which
shall have nothing to represent. They will not have an Executive &
Senate (hereditary) because the King & Lords of England are so. The same
reasons do not exist and therefore the same provisions are not
necessary.
We must as has been observed suit our Governm^t to the people it is to
direct. These are I believe as active, intelligent & susceptible of good
Governm^t as any people in the world. The Confusion which has produced
the present relaxed State is not owing to them. It is owing to the
weakness & (defects) of a Gov^t incapable of combining the various
interests it is intended to unite, and destitute of energy.--All that we
have to do then is to distribute the powers of Gov^t in such a manner,
and for such limited periods, as while it gives a proper degree of
permanency to the Magistrate, will reserve to the people, the right of
election they will not or ought not frequently to part with.--I am of
opinion that this may easily be done; and that with some amendments the
propositions before the Committee will fully answer this end.
No position appears to me more true than this; that the General Gov^t
cannot effectually exist without reserving to the States the possession
of their local rights. They are the instruments upon which the Union
must frequently depend for the support & execution of their powers,
however immediately operating upon the people, and not upon the States.
Much has been said about the propriety of abolishing the distinction of
State Governments, & having but one general System. Suffer me for a
moment to examine this question.[107]
[107] The residue of this speech was not furnished, like the
above, by Mr. Pinckney.--Madison's Note.
Yates' report of the speech is meagre. The closing
paragraph, apparently the part lacking in Madison's report,
is:
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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