The Journal of the Debates in the Convention which Framed the Constitution of the United States, May-September 1787. Volume 1Madison, James
History
The Journal of the Debates in the Convention which Framed the Constitution of the United States, May-September 1787. Volume 1
Madison, James
Constitutional law -- United States; Constitutions -- United States; United States. Constitution
Some of the consequences of a dissolution of the Union, and the
establishment of partial confederacies, had been pointed out. He would
add another of a most serious nature. Alliances will immediately be
formed with different rival & hostile nations of Europes, who will
foment disturbances among ourselves, and make us parties to all their
own quarrels. Foreign Nations having American dominion are & must be
jealous of us. Their representatives betray the utmost anxiety for our
fate, & for the result of this meeting, which must have an essential
influence on it.--It had been said that respectability in the eyes of
foreign Nations was not the object at which we aimed; that the proper
object of republican Government was domestic tranquillity & happiness.
This was an ideal distinction. No Government could give us tranquillity
& happiness at home, which did not possess sufficient stability and
strength to make us respectable abroad. This was the critical moment for
forming such a Government. We should run every risk in trusting to
future amendments. As yet we retain the habits of union. We are weak &
sensible of our weakness. Henceforward the motives will become feebler,
and the difficulties greater. It is a miracle that we were now here
exercising our tranquil & free deliberations on the subject. It would be
madness to trust to future miracles. A thousand causes must obstruct a
reproduction of them.
M^r Pierce considered the equality of votes under the Confederation as
the great source of the public difficulties. The members of Cong^s were
advocates for local advantages. State distinctions must be sacrificed as
far as the general good required, but without destroying the States.
Tho' from a small State he felt himself a Citizen of the U. S.
M^r Gerry, urged that we never were independent States, were not such
now, & never could be even on the principles of the Confederation. The
States & the advocates for them were intoxicated with the idea of their
_sovereignty_. He was a member of Congress at the time the federal
articles were formed. The injustice of allowing each State an equal vote
was long insisted on. He voted for it, but it was ag^{st} his Judgment,
and under the pressure of public danger, and the obstinacy of the lesser
States. The present Confederation he considered as dissolving. The fate
of the Union will be decided by the Convention. If they do not agree on
something, few delegates will probably be appointed to Cong^s. If they
do Cong^s will probably be kept up till the new System should be
adopted. He lamented that instead of coming here like a band of
brothers, belonging to the same family, we seemed to have brought with
us the spirit of political negotiators.
M^r L. Martin remarked that the language of the States being _sovereign
& independent_, was once familiar & understood; though it seemed now so
strange & obscure. He read those passages in the articles of
Confederation, which describe them in that language.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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