The Journal of the Debates in the Convention which Framed the Constitution of the United States, May-September 1787. Volume 1Madison, James
History
The Journal of the Debates in the Convention which Framed the Constitution of the United States, May-September 1787. Volume 1
Madison, James
Constitutional law -- United States; Constitutions -- United States; United States. Constitution
On the question as moved by M^r Lansing. Shall the word "not" be struck
out.
Mass^{ts} no. Con^t ay. N. Y. ay. N. J. ay. P^a no. Del. ay.
M^d div^d. V^a no. N. C. no. S. C. no. Geo. no.
On the motion to agree to the clause as reported, "that the rule of
suffrage in the 1^{st} branch ought not to be according to that
established by the Articles of the Confederation
Mass. ay. Con^t no. N. Y. no. N. J. no. P^a ay. Del. no.
M^d div^d. V^a ay. N. C. ay. S. C. ay. Geo. ay.
Doc^r Johnson & M^r Elseworth moved to postpone the residue of the
clause, & take up y^e 8 Resol:
On question
Mas. no. Con^t ay. N. Y. ay. N. J. ay. P^a ay. Del. no. M^d ay.
V^a ay. N. C. ay. S. C. ay. Geo. ay.
M^r Elseworth moved that the rule of suffrage in the 2^d branch be the
same with that established by the articles of Confederation. "He was not
sorry on the whole he said that the vote just passed, had determined
against this rule in the first branch. He hoped it would become a ground
of compromise with regard to the 2^d branch. We were partly national;
partly federal. The proportional representation in the first branch was
conformable to the national principle & would secure the large States
ag^{st} the small. An equality of voices was conformable to the federal
principle and was necessary to secure the Small States ag^{st} the
large. He trusted that on this middle ground a compromise would take
place. He did not see that it could on any other. And if no compromise
should take place, our meeting would not only be in vain but worse than
in vain. To the Eastward he was sure Mass^{ts} was the only State that
would listen to a proposition for excluding the States as equal
political Societies, from an equal voice in both branches. The others
would risk every consequence rather than part with so dear a right. An
attempt to deprive them of it, was at once cutting the body of America
in two, and as he supposed would be the case, somewhere about this part
of it. The large States he conceived would notwithstanding the equality
of votes, have an influence that would maintain their superiority.
Holland, as had been admitted (by M^r Madison) had, notwithstanding a
like equality in the Dutch Confederacy, a prevailing influence in the
public measures. The power of self defence was essential to the small
States. Nature had given it to the smallest insect of the creation. He
could never admit that there was no danger of combinations among the
large States. They will like individuals find out and avail themselves
of the advantage to be gained by it. It was true the danger would be
greater if they were contiguous and had a more immediate common
interest. A defensive combination of the small States was rendered more
difficult by their great number. He would mention another consideration
of great weight. The existing confederation was founded on the equality
of the States in the article of suffrage: was it meant to pay no regard
to this antecedent plighted faith.
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