The Journal of the Debates in the Convention which Framed the Constitution of the United States, May-September 1787. Volume 1Madison, James
History
The Journal of the Debates in the Convention which Framed the Constitution of the United States, May-September 1787. Volume 1
Madison, James
Constitutional law -- United States; Constitutions -- United States; United States. Constitution
M^r Gov^r Morris. He had no resolution unalterably fixed except to do
what should finally appear to him right. He was ag^{st} the Report
because it maintained the improper constitution of the 2^d branch. It
made it another Congress, a mere whisp of straw. It had been s^d (by M^r
Gerry) that the new Govern^t would be partly national, partly federal;
that it ought in the first quality to protect individuals; in the
second, the States. But in what quality was it to protect the aggregate
interest of the whole. Among the many provisions which had been urged,
he had seen none for supporting the dignity and splendor of the American
Empire. It had been one of our greatest misfortunes that the great
objects of the nation had been sacrificed constantly to local views; in
like manner as the general interests of States had been sacrificed to
those of the Counties. What is to be the check in the Senate? none;
unless it be to keep the majority of the people from injuring particular
States. But particular States ought to be injured for the sake of a
majority of the people, in case their conduct should deserve it. Suppose
they should insist on claims evidently unjust, and pursue them in a
manner detrimental to the whole body. Suppose they should give
themselves up to foreign influence. Ought they to be protected in such
cases. They were originally nothing more than colonial corporations. On
the declaration of Independence, a Governm^t was to be formed. The small
States aware of the necessity of preventing anarchy, and taking
advantage of the moment, extorted from the large ones an equality of
votes. Standing now on that ground, they demand under the new system
greater rights as men, than their fellow Citizens of the large States.
The proper answer to them is that the same necessity of which they
formerly took advantage, does not now exist, and that the large States
are at liberty now to consider what is right, rather than what may be
expedient. We must have an efficient Gov^t and if there be an efficiency
in the local Gov^{ts} the former is impossible. Germany alone proves it.
Notwithstanding their common diet, notwithstanding the great
prerogatives of the Emperor as head of the Empire, and his vast
resources, as sovereign of his particular dominions, no union is
maintained; foreign influence disturbs every internal operation, & there
is no energy whatever in the General Governm^t. Whence does this
proceed? From the energy of the local authorities; from its being
considered of more consequence to support the Prince of Hesse, than the
Happiness of the people of Germany. Do Gentlemen wish this to be y^e
case here. Good God, Sir, is it possible they can so delude themselves.
What if all the Charters & Constitutions of the States were thrown into
the fire, and all their demagogues into the Ocean. What would it be to
the happiness of America. And will not this be the case here if we
pursue the train in w^{ch} the business lies. We shall establish an
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