The Journal of the Debates in the Convention which Framed the Constitution of the United States, May-September 1787. Volume 1Madison, James
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The Journal of the Debates in the Convention which Framed the Constitution of the United States, May-September 1787. Volume 1
Madison, James
Constitutional law -- United States; Constitutions -- United States; United States. Constitution
"_Madison._ Equality in the Senate will enable a minority to
hold a majority, and to oblige them to submit to their
interests, or they will withdraw their assent to measures
essential and necessary to the general Good. I have known
one man, when the State was represented by only two, and
they were divided, oppose six States in Congress on an
important occasion for three days, and finally compel them
to gratify his caprice in order to obtain his suffrage. The
Senate will possess certain exclusive Powers, such as the
appointments to office, if the States have equal votes; a
minority of People will appoint the Great Offices. Besides
the small States may be near the Seat of Govt.--a bare
Quorum of the H. of R. may be easily assembled, and carry a
bill against the sense of a majority if all were present,
and the Senate, tho' all were present, might confirm such
Bill. Virginia has objected to every addition of the powers
of Congress, because she has only 1/13 of the Power when she
ought to have one sixth.
"_Paterson._ I hope the question will be taken: if we do not
give equal votes in the Senate to the States, the small
States agreeing that money Bills and appropriations shall
originate in the H. of Reps., elected according to numbers,
it must not be expected that the small States will agree to
the amendments of the Confederation. Let us decide this
question and lose no more time. I think that I shall vote
against the provision, because I think that the exclusive
originating of money Bills & appropriations by the H. of
Reps. is giving up too much on the part of the small
States."--King's _Life and Correspondence of Rufus King_,
I., 613.
M^r Madison, observed that it w^d be impossible to say what powers could
be safely & properly vested in the Gov^t before it was known, in what
manner the States were to be represented in it. He was apprehensive that
if a just representation were not the basis of the Gov^t it would
happen, as it did when the Articles of Confederation were depending,
that every effectual prerogative would be withdrawn or withheld, and the
New Gov^t w^d be rendered as impotent and as shortlived as the old.
M^r Patterson would not decide whether the privilege concerning money
bills were a valuable consideration or not: But he considered the mode &
rule of representation in the 1^{st} branch as fully so; and that after
the establishment of that point, the small States would never be able to
defend themselves without an equality of votes in the 2^d branch. There
was no other ground of accommodation. His resolution was fixt. He would
meet the large States on that ground and no other. For himself he should
vote ag^{st} the Report, because it yielded too much.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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