The Journal of the Debates in the Convention which Framed the Constitution of the United States, May-September 1787. Volume 2Madison, James
History
The Journal of the Debates in the Convention which Framed the Constitution of the United States, May-September 1787. Volume 2
Madison, James
Constitutional law -- United States; Constitutions -- United States; United States. Constitution
M^r Rutlidge. The friends of this motion are not consistent in their
reasoning. They tell us that we ought to be guided by the long
experience of G. B. & not our own experience of 11 years; and yet they
themselves propose to depart from it. The _H. of Co[~m]ons_ not only
have the exclusive right of originating, but the _Lords_ are not allowed
to alter or amend a money bill. Will not the people say that this
restriction is but a mere tub to the whale. They cannot but see that it
is of no real consequence; and will be more likely to be displeased with
it as an attempt to bubble them, than to impute it to a watchfulness
over their rights. For his part, he would prefer giving the exclusive
right to the Senate, if it was to be given exclusively at all. The
Senate being more conversant in business, and having more leisure, will
digest the bills much better, and as they are to have no effect, till
examined & approved by the H. of Rep^s there can be no possible danger.
These clauses in the Constitutions of the States had been put in through
a blind adherence to the British model. If the work was to be done over
now, they would be omitted. The experiment in S. Carolina, where the
Senate can originate or amend money bills, has shewn that it answers no
good purpose; and produces the very bad one of continually dividing &
heating the two houses. Sometimes indeed if the matter of the amendment
of the Senate is pleasing to the other House they wink at the
encroachment; if it be displeasing, then the Constitution is appealed
to. Every Session is distracted by altercations on this subject. The
practice now becoming frequent is for the Senate not to make formal
amendments; but to send down a schedule of the alterations which will
procure the bill their assent.
M^r Carrol. The most ingenious men in Mary^d are puzzled to define the
case of money bills, or explain the Constitution on that point, tho it
seemed to be worded with all possible plainness & precision. It is a
source of continual difficulty & squabble between the two houses.
M^r McHenry[24] mentioned an instance of extraordinary subterfuge, to
get rid of the apparent force of the Constitution.
[24] "Mr. McHenry was bred a physician, but he afterwards turned
Soldier and acted as Aid to Gen^l Washington and the Marquis
de la Fayette. He is a Man of Specious talents, with nothing
of genious to improve them. As a politician there is nothing
remarkable in him, nor has he any of the graces of the
Orator. He is however, a very respectable young Gentleman,
and deserves the honor which his country has bestowed on
him. Mr. McHenry is about 32 years of age."--Pierce's Notes,
_Am. Hist. Rev._, iii., 330.
On Question on the first part of the motion as to the exclusive
originating of Money bills in the H. of Rep^s
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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