[87] Regarding, that is, the successive appearance of the Mitanni, the Hittites, and the Urartu (the Vannic power) as analogous movements. Cf. Winckler, _Mitteil. d. Deut. Orient-Ges._, December 1907, pp. 47 ff.; and in _The World’s History_, vol. iii. p. 113 etc. [88] See especially Ramsay, ‘A Study of Phrygian Art,’ in the _Jour. Hell. Stud._, ix. (1887-8), pp. 350-352, and an earlier article in vol. iii. pp. 1-32; and Maspero, _The Passing of Empires_, pp. 328-335. [89] Cf. Homer, _Iliad_, iii. 187; xvi. 719. [90] On this point, see Ramsay, _Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia_ (Oxford, 1895), i. p. 7. [91] Ramsay, _loc. cit._ Cf. the central group of Hittite sculptures at Iasily Kaya, Pl. LXV., where, however, the Father-god, the consort of the Mother-goddess, is seemingly derived from Babylonian origins. So, too, the Storm-god of the Hittites has clearly a Babylonian prototype in Hadad. On the subject of the Hittite deities, see below, pp. 356 ff. [92] Herodotus, ii. 2. [93] Homer, _Hymn. Aphr._ 111 and ff. [94] Φρυγίης εὐτειχήτοιο. Cf. Ramsay, _loc. cit_. [95] In this opinion we may appear to differ from Hogarth, _Ionia and the East_ (Oxford, 1909), p. 70, but the standpoints are different. [96] In addition to the Phrygian inscriptions at Eyuk, cited above, the story of Daskylos, the fugitive Lydian prince (B.C. 720), indicates close political relation between the two sides of the Halys at this time; for when fearful of remaining in Phrygia at the accession of Myrsos to the Lydian throne, for greater security he crossed the Halys and took refuge with the ‘White Syrians.’ Cf. Nicholas of Damascus, _Fragm. Hist. Grec._ (ed. Müller-Didot), No. 49. On the relationship with Pteria and the Chalybes see also Radet, _La Lydie et le Monde Grec_, pp. 63, 111. [97] Pls. XXIV., XXV. [98] Cf. Pls. LX., LXXVIII. [99] Pl. XXIV. (ii); cf. pp. 121, 265, 289. [100] Our newest authority for this period is Olmstead, _Western Asia in the Days of Sargon_ (New York, 1908). [101] If the _Tuna_ of the Assyrians be really _Tyana_, there is clear evidence of Phrygian supremacy there in 714, in the fact that Matti of Tuna disclaimed his allegiance to Assyria and turned to Midas. If, however, Tuna is to be located somewhat further east (cf. the _Tynna_ of Ptolemy V., 6, 22, and Maspero, _The Passing of Empires_, p. 239, note 2), or south-east at Faustinopolis (Ramsay, _Hist. Geog._, p. 68), then the inference is equally clear that the Phrygian sphere reached at least to Tyana, if not beyond. This evidence is supplementary to that of the inscription already mentioned (Pl. XXV.). [102] Herodotus, iv. 11, 12. We follow the story as worked out by Maspero, _op. cit._, p. 345. [103] Strabo, XIV. i. 40. [104] Cf. Maspero, _op. cit._, p. 336; also Sayce, _Empires of the East_, i. p. 427. [105] Herodotus, i. 7. On the way in which the date is derived, see Schubert, _Gesch. der Könige von Lydien_, p. 8.