The Life and Times of Queen Victoria; vol. 3 of 4Wilson, Robert
History
The Life and Times of Queen Victoria; vol. 3 of 4
Wilson, Robert
Great Britain -- History -- Victoria, 1837-1901; Victoria, Queen of Great Britain, 1819-1901
Parliament had been called together on the 5th of February. Ministers
were undoubtedly discredited by a popular suspicion that they were using
the influence of England to buttress up Austrian tyranny in Italy. The
impartial impotence of Lord Malmesbury’s policy, as subsequently
revealed in his despatches, however, showed that these suspicions were
unfounded. The question of Reform had been stirred during the autumnal
recess by Mr. Bright. But his violent attacks on the propertied classes
had roused the fiercest antagonism, and probably did more to retard than
advance the cause he had at heart. Yet the Government could not afford
to dispense with the support of the Party of Parliamentary Reform, and
so Mr. Disraeli’s determination to deal with the question was intimated
in the Queen’s Speech. Lord Granville, Lord Palmerston, and Lord John
Russell, though speaking less hopefully than Mr. Disraeli of the efforts
of the Government to preserve peace, alike deprecated a war for the
expulsion of Austria from North Italy, where her position was secured to
her by the Treaty of 1815. But they argued that she had no right to go
beyond that Treaty, and that the presence of Austrian and French armies
in Central Italy, on which they imposed a government that was hateful to
the people, was most dangerous to the peace of the world. The Emperor’s
speech to the French Chambers, as the Prince Consort said, was “meant to
look peaceful”--but that was all. “Not a word,” wrote Lord Malmesbury
“is said about Treaties, but a good deal about the interests and honour
of France.”[40] Indeed, Victor Emmanuel and Cavour fancied they detected
in it signs of wavering. The former threatened to abdicate, and the
latter to resign, after disclosing to the world the secret compact of
Plombières and the _pacte de famille_, signed on the eve of the Princess
Clothilde’s marriage. This threat, together with Cavour’s
Mephistophelean allusions to the vengeance of the Carbonari, invariably
brought the Emperor back to his original resolve, and defeated the
efforts of British diplomacy to avert war. Meanwhile, the Prince Regent
William had been pressed by the French Emperor to hold aloof from
Austria. Rival parties in Prussia were trying to drag him in contrary
directions, and at last he appealed confidentially to his friends, the
Queen and the Prince Consort, for advice, saying, “I anxiously await
your answer, for it will be decisive for us.”[41] It is important to
study this correspondence, because at the time the Queen and Prince
Consort were denounced in many quarters, where French influence was at
work, for intriguing through the Courts of Berlin and Brussels to get up
a great German League against the liberties of Italy. England, replied
the Prince Consort, would not now go with France, no matter how far
Austria put herself in the wrong. Prussia would be well advised, thought
the Prince, to take the same line. In the meantime, let German public
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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