The Life and Work of James A. Garfield, Twentieth President of the United States: Embracing an Account of the Scenes and Incidents of His Boyhood; the Struggles of His Youth; the Might of His Early Manhood; His Valor As a Soldier; His Career As a Statesman; His Election to the Presidency; and the Tragic Story of His Death.Ridpath, John Clark
History
The Life and Work of James A. Garfield, Twentieth President of the United States: Embracing an Account of the Scenes and Incidents of His Boyhood; the Struggles of His Youth; the Might of His Early Manhood; His Valor As a Soldier; His Career As a Statesman; His Election to the Presidency; and the Tragic Story of His Death.
Ridpath, John Clark
Garfield, James A. (James Abram), 1831-1881
“For the first time in the history of this contest, it is proposed
in this hall to give up the struggle, to abandon the war, and let
treason run riot through the land! I will, if I can, dismiss feeling
from my heart and try to consider only what bears upon the logic of
the speech to which we have just listened.
“First of all, the gentleman tells us that the right of secession is
a constitutional right. I do not propose to enter into the argument.
I have hitherto expressed myself on State sovereignty and State
rights, of which this proposition of his is the legitimate child.
“But the gentleman takes higher ground—and in that I agree with him,
namely, that five million or eight million people possess the right
of revolution. Grant it; we agree there. If fifty-nine men can make
a revolution successful, they have the right of revolution. If one
State wishes to break its connection with the Federal Government,
and does it by force, maintaining itself, it is an independent
State. If the eleven Southern States are resolved and determined to
leave the Union, to secede, to revolutionize, and can maintain that
revolution by force, they have revolutionary right to do so. I stand
on that platform with the gentleman.
“And now the question comes, is it our constitutional duty to let
them do it? That is the question. And, in order to reach it, I beg
to call your attention, not to argument, but to the condition of
affairs that would result from such action—the mere statement of
which becomes the strongest possible argument. What does this
gentleman propose? Where will he draw the line of division? If the
rebels carry into secession what they desire to carry; if their
revolution envelops as many States as they intend it shall envelop;
if they draw the line where Isham G. Harris, the rebel governor of
Tennessee, in the rebel camp near our lines, told Mr. Vallandigham
they would draw it,—along the line of the Ohio and Potomac,—if they
make good their statement to him, that they will never consent to
any other line, then I ask, what is the thing the gentleman proposes
to do?
“He proposes to leave to the United States a territory reaching from
the Atlantic to the Pacific, and one hundred miles wide in the
center! From Wellsville on the Ohio to Cleveland on the lakes, is
one hundred miles. I ask you, Mr. Chairman, if there be a man here
so insane as to suppose that the American people will allow their
magnificent national proportions to be shorn to so deformed a shape
as this?
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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