The Life and Work of James A. Garfield, Twentieth President of the United States: Embracing an Account of the Scenes and Incidents of His Boyhood; the Struggles of His Youth; the Might of His Early Manhood; His Valor As a Soldier; His Career As a Statesman; His Election to the Presidency; and the Tragic Story of His Death.Ridpath, John Clark
History
The Life and Work of James A. Garfield, Twentieth President of the United States: Embracing an Account of the Scenes and Incidents of His Boyhood; the Struggles of His Youth; the Might of His Early Manhood; His Valor As a Soldier; His Career As a Statesman; His Election to the Presidency; and the Tragic Story of His Death.
Ridpath, John Clark
Garfield, James A. (James Abram), 1831-1881
Meanwhile, what did the convention actually do? They were dumb with
astonishment for a moment; a heroic deed had been done before them, and
admiration for the chief actor was the uppermost sentiment in every
heart. Then a young man from Ashtabula called out: “Mr. Chairman, I say
that the man who has courage enough to oppose a convention like that
ought not to be discarded. I move that James A. Garfield be nominated by
acclamation.” Without a dissenting voice it was done. When election day
came, his majority was nearly twelve thousand.
The session of Congress which met in December of 1864 was marked by the
great debates on the Thirteenth Amendment to the Constitution, which was
presented to the States for ratification on the first of February, 1865.
Perhaps the strongest opposition to that amendment was from George H.
Pendleton, of Ohio. He spoke against it on the 13th of January. The
chief argument was that purely State institutions could not properly be
interfered with by the Nation, without the consent of the State or
States concerned. That this right of a State was reserved in the spirit
of the Constitution, just as equal representation in the Senate was
secured, beyond recall, by the letter of that instrument.
To this speech Mr. Garfield made a reply. So much of this reply as
touched upon the constitutional power of making such an amendment may be
given further on; the remainder is such a denunciation of slavery, as an
institution, as has rarely been equaled by any of those eloquent men who
devoted their lives to its extermination.
On taking the floor, Mr. Garfield began:
“_Mr. Speaker_: We shall never know why slavery dies so hard in this
Republic and in this hall till we know why sin is long-lived and
Satan is immortal. With marvelous tenacity of existence, it has
outlived the expectations of its friends and the hopes of its
enemies. It has been declared here and elsewhere to be in the
several stages of mortality—wounded, moribund, dead. The question
was raised by my colleague [Mr. Cox] yesterday whether it was indeed
dead, or only in a troubled sleep. I know of no better illustration
of its condition than is found in Sallust’s admirable history of the
great conspirator, Catiline, who, when his final battle was fought
and lost, his army broken and scattered, was found, far in advance
of his own troops, lying among the dead enemies of Rome, yet
breathing a little, but exhibiting in his countenance all the
ferocity of spirit which had characterized his life. So, sir, this
body of slavery lies before us among the dead enemies of the
Republic, mortally wounded, impotent in its fiendish wickedness, but
with its old ferocity of look, bearing the unmistakable marks of its
infernal origin.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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