The Life and Work of James A. Garfield, Twentieth President of the United States: Embracing an Account of the Scenes and Incidents of His Boyhood; the Struggles of His Youth; the Might of His Early Manhood; His Valor As a Soldier; His Career As a Statesman; His Election to the Presidency; and the Tragic Story of His Death.Ridpath, John Clark
History
The Life and Work of James A. Garfield, Twentieth President of the United States: Embracing an Account of the Scenes and Incidents of His Boyhood; the Struggles of His Youth; the Might of His Early Manhood; His Valor As a Soldier; His Career As a Statesman; His Election to the Presidency; and the Tragic Story of His Death.
Ridpath, John Clark
Garfield, James A. (James Abram), 1831-1881
Garfield, after having been four years Chairman of the Committee on
Appropriations, now found himself near the foot of the Committee of Ways
and Means, with a weighty group of Democrats above him on the list.
During his last four terms, Garfield was a member of the House Committee
on Rules. His knowledge of Parliamentary Law amounted to a mastery of
the subject.
In consequence of this change, General Garfield, suddenly relieved of
his usual large responsibility in the work of legislation, was turned
into a comparatively new field of public life. Relieved of the real work
of legislation, for the first time he had a good opportunity to observe
how others would do that work.
A very brief season of such observation on the part of Garfield and his
fellow-partisans was enough to make them dissatisfied with Democratic
statesmanship. The new majority began to destroy what Republicans had
spent so many years in building up. Then came organized opposition.
The first great collision occurred in January, 1876. This first
Democratic House since the war was, very naturally, led by Southern
members. Many late rebel generals had been sent to it. It was popularly
named the Confederate Congress—the rule of rebel brigadiers. Of course,
it was not long till they began to propose measures peculiarly favorable
to themselves.
When, at the close of the civil war, the Southern States were restored
to their right places in the Union, many of their citizens, guilty of
treason, had lost their political privileges. By acts of legislation and
presidential proclamations, most of these disabilities had been removed.
Early in the Forty-Fourth Congress the Amnesty Bill was proposed,
extending pardon to all ex-Confederates unconditionally.
It had been the policy of the Government to restore the South completely
in this respect, as fast as it was expedient to do so; but this was, as
yet, too sweeping a measure. The Republican leaders were opposed to it;
and Mr. Blaine proposed an amendment, excepting Jefferson Davis
absolutely and by name, and excepting seven hundred and fifty others
until they should renounce their treason by taking the oath of
allegiance to the United States. The friends of the bill would not
except even Davis, and on this point there arose one of the most
exciting debates ever held in Congress.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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