4. Protection of Minorities.--They would already be protected by the
veto, by the nominated members and by the Orangemen, who would return
a considerable contingent; but the Irish would go even further than
this.
(1) No contract existing or entered into could be set aside by Irish
legislation. In the event of any one feeling himself aggrieved in
this matter, he might appeal to the Judicial Committee of the House
of Lords.
(2) Any Landlord would have the right to insist upon his land being
bought by the Irish state on the estimate of its value, by the Land
Judges, due consideration being taken of tenants' improvements.
5. The Army in Ireland and the Fortresses would be under the orders
of the Imperial Ministry, much as is the case in the United States of
America.
I am far from saying that the Irish, if left to draw up the
settlement, would insert these conditions. Many of them savour of
tutelage and distrust. But I am pretty certain that, although in
discussion they might claim more, they would, if they could not get
more, accept this scheme with an honest intention to make it
workable. Less they would not accept, and for a very good reason.
If their leaders are to be responsible for the peace, tranquillity,
and prosperity of Ireland, they must have full powers to act, and the
scheme of Government must in the main be acceptable to the majority
of the governed.
At present we have arrived at a Parliamentary deadlock. No measure
dealing with Ireland can be passed in the existing House of Commons
without the aid of the Irish contingent. If a Coalition Government
were to succeed in passing, either in this Parliament or a subsequent
Parliament, a half-hearted measure, the Irish would decline to accept
it. They would simply refuse to act on it, and thus confusion would
become worse confounded. Experience has proved that any proposal not
to count on the Irish vote is outside the area of practical politics.
Experience has also shown that the rival political parties will not
subordinate their differences to any anti-Irish policy. Such schemes
are like the kiss of peace of the French Assembly during the French
Revolution. They sound all very well but last about half an hour.
{296}
We have then to decide whether we will try the experiment of
federalisation under the restrictions for the unity of the Empire,
and the protection of the minority in Ireland such as I have roughly
indicated; or whether we will embark in a career of what practically
amounts to war between the two islands.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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