Trumbull, Fessenden, and Sherman voted against Sumner's motion, but after it became the policy of the party they supported it. And here they made a mistake, for this was the act which placed the governments of ten states in the hands of the most ignorant portion of the community and disfranchised the most intelligent, entailing the direful consequences of the succeeding ten years. The road which the dominant party had now taken was, however, taken conscientiously. Congress and the Northern people sincerely believed that slavery would be reëstablished in some form unless the negroes had the right to vote and the assurance that their votes would be counted, and that, in that case, the war would have to be fought over again. Of course, party spirit and the greed of office had a place among the impelling motives at Washington, but these considerations would not have availed had not the opinion been deep-seated that a Democratic victory won by the votes of the solid South and a minority of the North would endanger the Union. Senator Cullom, of Illinois, who was then a member of the House, said, forty-four years later, that "the motive of the opposition to the Johnson plan of Reconstruction was a firm conviction that its success would wreck the Republican party and, by restoring the Democracy to power, bring back Southern supremacy and Northern vassalage."[101] Montgomery Blair apprehended another revolution or rebellion and said that there might be two opposing governments organized in Washington. Maynard, of Tennessee, a stanch loyalist, believed that Senators and Representatives from all the states would soon make their appearance at the national capital and that those from the rebel states would join with the Democratic members from the loyal states, constitute a majority, organize, repeal the test oath, and have things their own way. Welles, while recording these opinions, held the sounder one that the South was too exhausted and the Northern Democrats too timid for such a step.[102] The Reconstruction Bill passed both houses on the 20th day of February, 1867, was vetoed by the President on the 2d of March, and was repassed on the same day by more than two-thirds majority in each house, Trumbull voting in the affirmative.