The first step in this plan had already been taken by opening to
slavery the Territory of Kansas, which then contained a large part
of Colorado. The remaining task of pushing their western border
on to the Pacific seemed comparatively easy. Already treason was
festering in the heart of the South, but Douglas, now the most
powerful ally of these plotting traitors, was entirely devoted to
the Union. He neither felt nor thought deeply on any question. The
symptoms of coming revolution were merely disclosures of political
strategy to him. The South held out the bait of the Presidency,
and he led its battle. In his attachment to the Union and his
subordination of both morals and statecraft to its preservation as
the supreme end, he was a faithful echo of the great statesmen of
the preceding age. But a generation of statesmen had appeared in
the North with a large and growing following who were reluctantly
reaching the conclusion that the primary rights of man were even
more sacred than the Union. Political expediency was not their
ultimate test of right.
Lincoln, though yet comparatively obscure, was destined soon to become
the leader of this new school of ethical statesmen, as distinguished
from the old school of political temporizers and opportunists
to which Douglas belonged. Lincoln, as Douglas well knew, was a
man of finer intellectual gifts than any of the great senatorial
triumvirate whom he had successfully met. His moral feelings were
tuned to as high a key as Sumner's. He had a firmer grasp of the
central truths of the new politico-moral creed than Chase. He
had more tact and sagacity than Seward. He had more patience with
temporary error, more serene faith in the health and sanity of human
nature than any of the three. He was a greater master of the art
of popular oratory than any of them. Above all he had the power,
dangerous to Douglas, of seizing the most ingenious and artfully
concealed sophism and good naturedly dragging it to the light.
Endowed with the most exuberant flow of genial humor, he was yet
sternly earnest in his belief in the inviolable sanctity of moral
right. During his recent years he had read much and thought deeply.
He had mastered a style rarely equaled in clearness, simplicity
and power. Without the prejudices and entanglements of a past
political career, he entered the arena in the ripeness of his
slow-maturing powers. Not only his temperament and intellect but
his experience and training admirably fitted him for the high task
which he was destined to perform.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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