In opposing the Dred Scott decision, he said, he was sustained by
the authority of Mr. Jefferson, who denounced the doctrine that the
Judges were the ultimate arbiters of all constitutional questions
as dangerous and tending to oligarchic despotism and insisted
that, while they were as honest as other men, they were not more
so, having the common passion for party, for power and the privilege
of their crops, and ought not to be trusted with the dangerous power
of deciding the great questions of State. The Supreme Court once
decided that the national back was constitutional. The Democratic
party revolted against the decision. Jackson himself asserted
that he would not hold a national back to be constitutional, even
though the Court had decided it to be so. The declaration that
Congress had not power to establish a bank was contained in every
Democratic platform since that time, in defiance of the solemn
ruling of the Court. In fact, they had reduced the decision to an
absolute nullity. And still Douglas boasted in the very speeches
in which he denounced others for opposing the Dred Scott decision
that he stood on the Cincinnati platform which repudiated and
condemned the old bank decision. He was for Supreme Court decisions
when he liked them and against them when he did not like them.
Would he not graciously allow the Republicans to do with the Dred
Scott decision what they did with the bank decision?
Springfield was Lincoln's home. He knew his audience and met it
with confidence. He now felt that he was Douglas' equal in the
field in which he had hitherto eclipsed all rivals.
But it was evident that the current was running with Douglas.
The great reception at Chicago had been a glorious opening. His
journeys through the State were triumphal processions. Special
trains, splendidly decorated, were at his service. Military
escorts received him with the firing of cannon and the loud music
of bands. He commanded and marshaled with the skill of a great
artist all the pomp and circumstance of victory. He owned much
property in Chicago, which with the growth of the city had greatly
increased in value. He mortgaged this for campaign funds, borrowing
eighty thousand dollars, a debt that harassed him to the grave.
Wealthy friends contributed freely and the campaign was run regardless
of expense.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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