The Life Of Thomas Paine, Vol. 2. (of 2): With A History of His Literary, Political and Religious Career in America France, and EnglandConway, Moncure Daniel
History
The Life Of Thomas Paine, Vol. 2. (of 2): With A History of His Literary, Political and Religious Career in America France, and England
Conway, Moncure Daniel
Paine, Thomas, 1737-1809
But the three attempts on his life, and his mental infirmity, may
be pleaded for George III. Paine, in his letter to Dundas, wrote
"Madjesty"; when Rickman objected, he said: "Let it stand." And it
stands now as the best apology for the King, while it rolls on Pitt's
memory the guilt of a twenty-two years' war for the subjugation of
thought and freedom. In that last struggle of the barbarism surviving
in civilization, it was shown that the madness of a populace was
easily distanced by the cruelty of courts. Robespierre and Marat were
humanitarian beside George and his Ministers; the Reign of Terror,
and all the massacres of the French Revolution put together, were
child's-play compared with the anguish and horrors spread through Europe
by a war whose pretext was an execution England might have prevented.
CHAPTER III. REVOLUTION VS. CONSTITUTION
The French revolutionists have long borne responsibility for the
first declaration of war in 1793. But from December 13, 1792, when the
Painophobia Parliament began its debates, to February 1st, when France
proclaimed itself at war with England, the British government had done
little else than declare war--and prepare war--against France. Pitt,
having to be re-elected, managed to keep away from Parliament for
several days at its opening, and the onslaught was assumed by Burke. He
began by heaping insults on France. On December 15th he boasted that
he had not been cajoled by promise of promotion or pension, though he
presently, on the same evening, took his seat for the first time on the
Treasury bench. In the "Parliamentary History" (vols. xxx. and xxxi.)
may be found Burke's epithets on France,--the "republic of assassins,"
"Cannibal Castle," "nation of murderers," "gang of plunderers,"
"murderous atheists," "miscreants," "scum of the earth." His vocabulary
grew in grossness, of course, after the King's execution and the
declaration of war, but from the first it was ribaldry and abuse. And
this did not come from a private member, but from the Treasury bench. He
was supported by a furious majority which stopped at no injustice.
Thus the Convention was burdened with guilt of the September massacres,
though it was not then in existence. Paine's works being denounced,
Erskine reminded the House of the illegality of so influencing a trial
not yet begun. He was not listened to. Fox and fifty other earnest men
had a serious purpose of trying to save the King's life, and proposed
to negotiate with the Convention. Burke fairly foamed at the motions
to that end, made by Fox and Lord Lansdowne. What, negotiate with such
villains! To whom is our agent to be accredited? Burke draws a comic
picture of the English ambassador entering the Convention, and, when he
announces himself as from "George Third, by the grace of God," denounced
by Paine. "Are we to humble ourselves before Judge Paine?" At this point
Whetstone made a disturbance and was named. There were some who found
Burke's trifling intolerable. Mr. W.
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