The Life Of Thomas Paine, Vol. 2. (of 2): With A History of His Literary, Political and Religious Career in America France, and England — John Shaqi
The Life Of Thomas Paine, Vol. 2. (of 2): With A History of His Literary, Political and Religious Career in America France, and EnglandConway, Moncure Daniel
History
The Life Of Thomas Paine, Vol. 2. (of 2): With A History of His Literary, Political and Religious Career in America France, and England
Conway, Moncure Daniel
Paine, Thomas, 1737-1809
on augmenting the military forces with direct reference to France, the
recent trial of Paine was rehearsed, and it was plainly shown that the
object of the government was to suppress freedom of the press by Terror.
Erskine was denounced for defending Paine and for afterwards attending
a meeting of the "Society of Friends of the Liberty of the Press," to
whose resolutions on Paine's case his name was attached. Erskine found
gallant defenders in the House, among them Fox, who demanded of Pitt:
"Can you not prosecute Paine without an army?" Burke at this time
enacted a dramatic scene. Having stated that three thousand daggers had
been ordered at Birmingham by an Englishman, he drew from his pocket a
dagger, cast it on the floor of the House of Commons, and cried:
"That is what we are to get from an alliance with France!"
Paine--Paine--Paine--was the burden laid on Pitt, who had said to Lady
Hester Stanhope: "Tom Paine is quite right."
* "Histoire de la Révolution," vol. viii., p. 96.
** Vol. xxv.
That Thomas Paine and his "Rights of Man" were the actual cause of the
English insults to which their declaration of war replied was so well
understood in the French Convention that its first answer to the menaces
was to appoint Paine and Condorcet to write an address to the English
people.*
It is noticeable that on the question whether the judgment on the King's
fate should be submitted to the people, Paine voted "No." His belief
in the right of all to representation implied distrust of the immediate
voice of the masses. The King had said that if his case were referred to
the people "he should be massacred." Gouverneur Morris had heard this,
and no doubt communicated it to Paine, who was in consultation with him
on his plan of sending Louis to America.** Indeed, it is probable that
popular suffrage would have ratified the decree. Nevertheless, it was a
fair "appeal to the people" which Paine made, after the fatal verdict,
in expressing to the Convention his belief that the people would not
have done so. For after the decree the helplessness of the prisoner
appealed to popular compassion, and on the fatal day the tide had
turned. Four days after the execution the American Minister writes
to Jefferson: "The greatest care was taken to prevent a concourse of
people. This proves a conviction that the majority was not favorable to
that severe measure. In fact the great mass of the people mourned the
fate of their unhappy prince."
* "Le Département des Affaires Étrangères pendant la
Revolution, 1787-1804." Par Frédéric Masson, Bibliothécaire
da Ministère des Affaires Étrangères. Paris, 1877, p.
273.
** Morris' "Diary," ii., pp. 19, 27. 32.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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