The Loyalists of Massachusetts and the Other Side of the American RevolutionStark, James Henry
History
The Loyalists of Massachusetts and the Other Side of the American Revolution
Stark, James Henry
American loyalists -- Massachusetts; Massachusetts -- Politics and government -- 1775-1783
Hutchinson was now known as a "prerogative man," ready to defer to the
home government in important things, but there was as yet no definite
line drawn between prerogative men and patriots. Otis always scouted the
idea of independence of the Colonies as disloyal folly, his successor,
Samuel Adams, was the first to preach disloyalty and secession. Otis, as
Moderator in Town Meeting in Boston, in 1763, spoke eloquently of the
British empire and constitution. He said, "The true interests of Great
Britain and her plantations are mutual, and what God in his providence
has united, let no man dare pull asunder." As to parliamentary
supremacy, Otis was much more emphatic than Hutchinson. He said, "the
power of Parliament is uncontrollable, but by themselves, and we must
obey. Forcibly resisting the Parliament and the King's laws is high
treason. Therefore let the Parliament lay what burdens they please upon
us; we must, it is our duty, to submit, and patiently to bear them till
they will be pleased to relieve us."[108]
[108] Rights of the British Colonies.
Otis conceded to Parliament supremacy, but insisted that the Colonies
should have representatives there. Hutchinson considered representation
there impracticable, and while conceding supremacy, thought it should be
kept well in the background, while the Colonies managed for themselves.
Great Britain has really always held to this position even to the
present day--"Although the general rule is that the legislative assembly
has the sole right of imposing taxes in the Colony, yet when the
imperial legislature chooses to impose taxes according to the rule of
law they have a right to do it." So decided the English judge Blackburn
in 1868 in a case when Jamaica was involved.[109] Mansfield's position
that the Colonies were _virtually_ represented in Parliament was an
entirely reasonable one. Parliamentary supremacy in the British empire
is, indeed kept well in the background at the present moment, but let
any great emergency arise, such as some peril to the mother country. If
the Colony should remain apathetic, or in any way render aid and comfort
to the enemy, the dependency would be as arbitrarily ridden over by the
fleets, and armies, as in the days of George III. So long as America
remained dependent, parliamentary supremacy was necessary. It would only
be got rid of by such a declaration as that of 1776. This, Hutchinson
was not ready for nor any other person in the Colonies until many years
after this time, except one man, Samuel Adams, who said taxation without
representation was tyranny and representation was impossible.
[109] Yonge Const. His. of Eng. p. 66. See also Todd, Parl. Gov. in the
British Colonies 1899.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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