But on this stage of sudden revolutions and unforeseen overthrows,
supreme power was then nearly always followed by a profound fall,
brought about most frequently by a laconic order from the seraglio,
though at times the clamour of the irritated populace was sufficient
to precipitate the favourites of a day from the pinnacle of power, and
in these frequent catastrophes the axe of the executioner was never
inactive. At the moment when Avedick appeared likely to enjoy for a
long time the powerful support of the Mufti, a formidable revolution
broke out at Constantinople. Two hundred thousand men in arms demanded
the presence of the Grand Seignior, insisting upon the observance of
the law according to which he was not permitted in times of peace
to absent himself from the capital; all the troops uniting with the
people and the men of law, the troops to complain of not having been
paid, the people to attribute their misery to the residence of the
Sultan at Adrianople, the men of law to protest against the cupidity
of the Mufti.[256] The latter had his throat cut, the Sultan, Mustapha
II., was deposed, and his brother, Achmet III., was drawn from the
recesses of the seraglio and placed on the throne: such was the
rapid revolution which all at once deprived Avedick of his protector
and delivered him up to Ferriol’s resentment. Indeed, less than two
months afterwards, the Armenian Patriarch was deposed and imprisoned
in the fortress of the Seven Towers,[257] and then, on the repeated
entreaties of the ambassador, exiled to Abratadas in Syria. The
Armenians refused to obey the new Patriarch, Kaisac, and demanded in
vain their beloved chief.[258] Ferriol’s influence was sufficiently
great to allow him to indulge in the most minute and cruel precautions.
Cast on a barren rock, far from Constantinople, the ex-Patriarch still
seemed redoubtable. Ferriol, therefore, rendered his imprisonment as
painful as possible, and with a barbarity the proofs of which one would
hesitate to admit, if they did not emanate from him who was guilty of
it, he considered it necessary to have his victim shut up “in a dungeon
full of water, and from which one could not see the daylight.”[259]
Ferriol mentions this refinement of cruelty in his despatches, without
in the least appearing to regret it, and in his account, as well as in
the replies of the King and the Ministers to whom he addresses himself,
one seeks in vain, on the one hand, for an attempt at a justification,
and, on the other, for a disavowal, or at least for an expression of
surprise. In consequence of this silence the Government of Louis XIV.
bears its share of responsibility for the barbarous conduct of its
ambassador.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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