if she became a widow, because she had inflamed Anne of Austria’s
resentment, and because she was the soul of the opposition, of the
political intrigues, and of the secret plots against the Cardinal.
If everything in her long correspondence seized by the latter, and
existing in the archives,[87] justifies him for having exiled the
dangerous Countess, if we find in it traces of the hopes of the two
Queens, of the affections which bind them to Spain, of the successes
they desire, of the reverses they hope for, nothing can be discovered
that sullies Anne of Austria’s honour. The Countess de Fargis appears
in it as the active instigator of cabals, but not as the complacent
accomplice and the confidant of a crime.
The truth is that _enceinte_ for the third time, and fearing a third
accident, Anne of Austria did not wish the news of her condition to be
spread abroad, or to arouse in the minds of the people a hope which
the remembrance of the past rendered very uncertain of fulfilment.
That this pregnancy was due to the reconciliation arising from the
King’s illness, Richelieu himself attests, not as the doubtful author
of a journal which, however, does not contain a single line really
accusing the Queen, but as the indisputable writer of those innumerable
letters, papers, and authentic documents, which have passed from the
hands of the Duchess d’Aiguillon, his niece, into the archives of
the State.[88] “It is suspected, not without good reason, that the
Queen is _enceinte_,” he writes. “If this happiness befalls France,
it ought to receive it as a fruit of the blessing of God and of the
good understanding which has existed between the King and the Queen,
his wife, for some time past.”[89] The same care which Anne of Austria
took to conceal a third miscarriage, she had already shown with
regard to a second, which occurred March 16, 1622, and at that time
“they had hidden from the King as long as possible the destruction
of his hopes.”[90] But from the first day that Richelieu entered
upon power, nothing escaped the penetrating regard of the attentive
Minister. He watched, he observed, he knew everything. Every member
of the royal family was surrounded by some of his agents. If from
this incessant surveillance, and from the written evidence in which
it stands revealed, springs the proof that the Queen had coquetted
with Buckingham, been swayed by the counsels of the Duchess de
Chevreuse,[91] and faithful to the last recommendations of her father,
Philip III., had been always ready to support the Spanish interest near
the King; if, in a word, Richelieu represents her as a Queen but little
French, he never insinuates that she has been a guilty spouse; and
history can scarcely hope to be better informed, and certainly ought
not to show itself more rigorous than the clear-sighted and pitiless
Minister.
FOOTNOTES:
[46] _Les Mariages espagnols sous le règne d’Henri IV. et la Régence de
Marie de Medicis_, by M. Perrens, Professor at the Lycée Bonaparte.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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