The Memoirs of François René Vicomte de Chateaubriand sometime Ambassador to England, Volume 4 (of 6): Mémoires d'outre-tombe volume 4Chateaubriand, François-René, vicomte de
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The Memoirs of François René Vicomte de Chateaubriand sometime Ambassador to England, Volume 4 (of 6): Mémoires d'outre-tombe volume 4
Chateaubriand, François-René, vicomte de
Chateaubriand, François-René, vicomte de, 1768-1848
First, if Turkey in Europe is to be broken up, we must have a share
in that distribution in the shape of an increase of territory on our
frontiers and the ownership of some military point in the Archipelago.
To compare the partition of Turkey with the partition of Poland is an
absurdity.
Secondly, to regard Turkey, as it was during the reign of Francis I.,
as a useful power to our policy, is to do away with three centuries of
history.
Thirdly, to pretend to civilize Turkey by giving her steamboats and
railways, by disciplining her armies, by teaching her to work her
fleets, is not to extend civilization to the East, but to introduce
barbarism into the West. Ibrahims to come would be able to carry back
the future to the time of Charles the Hammer or to the time of the
Siege of Vienna, when Europe was saved by that heroic Poland on whom
weighs the ingratitude of kings.
I must remark that I was the only one, with Benjamin Constant, to point
out the improvidence of the Christian governments: a people whose
social order is based upon slavery and polygamy is a people that must
be sent back to the steppes of the Mongols.
In the last result, Turkey in Europe, become a vassal of Russia by
virtue of the treaty of Unkiar-Skelessi[674], no longer exists:
if the question is to be decided at once, which I doubt, it would
perhaps be better that an independent empire should have its seat
in Constantinople and form Greece into a whole. Is that possible? I
do not know. As for Mehemet Ali[675], the relentless tax-gatherer
and custom-house officer, Egypt, in so far as French interests are
concerned, is better guarded by him than she would be by the English.
But here am I exerting myself to demonstrate the honour of the
Restoration: why, who troubles himself about what it has done, who,
above all, will trouble himself about it some years hence? It would be
as well worth my while to become excited over the interests of Tyre and
Ecbatana: that past world is gone, never to return. After Alexander,
the Roman power commenced; after Cæsar, Christianity changed the world;
after Charlemagne, the feudal night gave birth to a new society; after
Napoleon, nothing: we see no empire come, nor religion, nor barbarians.
Civilization has risen to its highest level, but it is a material
civilization, an unfruitful civilization, which can produce nothing,
since life can be given only by moral means; we can arrive at the
creation of peoples only by the roads of Heaven: railways will lead us
only more swiftly to the abyss.
You now have the prolegomena which seemed to me necessary for the
understanding of the Memorandum which follows, and which is also to be
found at the Foreign Office.
[Sidenote: To M. de La Ferronnays.]
LETTER TO M. LE COMTE DE LA FERRONAYS
"ROME, 30 _November_ 1828.
"In your private letter of the 10th of November, my noble
friend, you said:
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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