Great Britain -- History -- Henry III, 1216-1272; Henry III, King of England, 1207-1272
The real difficulty of the passage is in ll. 16515–16: “_Por le chastel
plus enforcier_ La fist abatre e trebuchier.” How could the clearing
out and opening of a city gate--whether it were the West Gate or a
hypothetical gate further south--tend to reinforce, or strengthen,
the castle? Professor Tout, who rejects the whole story of Peter’s
reconnaissance, suggests (though without citing these lines) that if
any blocked-up gate was re-opened, it may have been the great west gate
(or sally-port) of the castle. He thinks that this gate may have been
“walled-up” as a measure of precaution, the postern serving in its
stead for ordinary communications, and that the difficulty of passing
a large number of men through an entrance so small and inaccessible as
the postern may have led to the reopening of the great gate, “so that
the relieving force could send a strong detachment into the enclosure”
(_Eng. Hist. Rev._, vol. xviii, p. 250, note). But this--whether it was
the fact or not--was certainly not the idea of the poet; for (1) the
castle sally-port does not “join the walls of the city with those of
the castle”; and (2) it is not (as the poet clearly represents _his_
blocked gate to have been) visible from inside the city.
NOTE III
FALKES DE BRÉAUTÉ AT LINCOLN
The story of Falkes’s entrance into the castle and his sally thence
into the town rests on the authority of Roger of Wendover (vol. iv.
p. 22). In the _Hist. G. le Mar._ the only mention of Falkes in the
whole account of the day is in the following lines: “E quant les gens
Fauques oïrent Itels moz.” [_i.e._, Bishop Peter’s report to the host
about the gate] “molt s’en esjoïrent; Trestot avant dedenz entrerent,
Mes leidement les reuserent Cil dedenz, qu’il n’i furent gueres; Tost
lor changierent lor afeires” (ll. 16535–40). Professor Tout (p. 251)
says the poet’s “story supposes that Falkes did not enter the castle,
but penetrated directly into the town. This is clear from the fact that
when beaten they” (?) “were driven out into the open country. There the
bishop encountered somewhat later the fugitive soldiers and roughly
maltreated them for their cowardice.” For this statement he cites
as his authority ll. 16573–6: “E quant les servanz encontrerent Qui
leidement parti s’en erent Molt les leidirent cil qui vindrent Quand
dedenz la presse les tindrent.” This passage is separated from the one
which I have quoted above by thirty-three lines; and these thirty-three
lines are entirely occupied with the discourse between the bishop and
the Marshal, and the mission of the scouts, summarized in my p. 39.
There is nothing to connect ll. 16573–6 with either Falkes or Peter.
_Cil qui vindrent_ cannot refer to the bishop _individually_. There is
nothing to identify the “servanz qui leidement parti s’en erent” with
Falkes’s men; nothing to suggest that Peter was one of “those who came”
(whence and whither we know not) and “met them” [_i.e._, the “servanz”]
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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