France -- Civilization; France -- Politics and government; France -- Social life and customs -- 19th century
It reappears the last time in 1800, starting up in and taking firm hold
of the magnificent, benighted imagination of the great Italian,[2339] to
whom the opportunity afforded the means for executing the grand Italian
dream of the Middle Ages; it is according to this retrospective vision
that the Diocletian of Ajaccio, the Constantine of the Concordat, the
Justinian of the Civil Code, the Theodosius of the Tuileries and of St.
Cloud reconstructed France.
This does not mean that he copies--he restores; his conception is not
plagiarism, but a case of atavism; it comes to him through the nature
of his intellect and through racial traditions. In the way of social
and political conceptions, as in literature and in art, his spontaneous
taste is ultra-classic. We detect this in his mode of comprehending the
history of France; State historians, "encouraged by the police," must
make it to order; they must trace it "from the end of Louis XIV. to
the year VIII," and their object must be to show how superior the new
architecture is to the old one.[2340] "The constant disturbance of the
finances must be noted, the chaos of the provincial assemblies,... the
pretensions of the parliaments, the lack of energy and order in the
administration, that parti-colored France with no unity of laws or of
administration, being rather a union of twenty kingdoms than one single
State, so that one breathes on reaching the epoch in which people enjoy
the benefits of the unity of the laws, of the administration, and of the
territory." In effect, he breathes; in thus passing from the former to
the latter spectacle, he finds real intellectual pleasure; his eyes,
offended with Gothic disorder, turn with relief and satisfaction to
majestic simplicity and classic regularity; his eyes are those of a
Latin architect brought up in the "École de Rome."
This is so true that, outside of this style, he admits of no other.
Societies of a different type seem to him absurd. He misconceives their
local propriety and the historical reasons for their existence. He takes
no account of their solidity. He is going to dash himself against
Spain and against Russia, and he has no comprehension whatever of
England.[2341]--This is so true that, wherever he places his hand he
applies his own social system; he imposes on annexed territories and
on vassal[2342] countries the same uniform arrangements, his
own administrative hierarchy, his own territorial divisions and
sub-divisions, his own conscription, his civil code, his constitutional
and ecclesiastical system, his university, his system of equality
and promotion, the entire French system, and, as far as possible, the
language, literature, drama, and even the spirit of his France,--in
brief, civilization as he conceives it, so that conquest becomes
propaganda, and, as with his predecessors, the Cesars of Rome, he
sometimes really fancies that the establishment of his universal
monarchy is a great benefit to Europe.
*****
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