That Plano Karpini saw Yaroslav in Mongolia is undoubted, for in his
writings he describes the visit to the Grand Prince minutely, and how
he knew him, also Yaroslav’s death, but of this conversion there is not
a syllable.
Nevski received the envoys, but avoided discussion. He informed them
that he would take counsel and give an answer in writing. The Pope was
encouraged by the fall of Byzantium and the rise of Baldwin’s empire,
which forced the Patriarch to Nicea, thus hindering communication
between him and Russia, and also through the conquest of Russia itself
by the Mongols. Hence his hope to win the two most important Russian
princes, Daniel of Galitch, and Alexander Nevski.
Daniel at first roused in the Pope hopes which were not justified
later. Nevski on the contrary gave absolute refusal at the outset, and
thus relieved the Pope from further explanations. He consulted his
spiritual advisers and prepared a written answer stating briefly and
clearly: “We know sacred history; we adhere to the teachings of the
Apostles, and the traditions of the Fathers. We follow the seven
ecumenical councils, but we do not recognize your teaching.”
In his letter the Pope praised Nevski because he had not recognized the
Khan. It is hardly possible that the West knew not of Nevski’s journey
to Mongolia, for the Livonian Knights knew that he had been there, and
whatever they knew Rome knew also. Nevski did not see how peace, power
and glory could come to Russia through papal supremacy, but to hear the
Pope’s statement that the West could not think of Nevski as a subject
of the Mongols must have grieved his spirit. It reminded him, who had
tamed invading Germans at the Raven Stone and elsewhere, that he must
bear the Mongol yoke on his shoulders. The gloomy vision was not
brightened by the fact that he, a Grand Prince of Kief, had no domain
whatever, and that Andrei, his brother, through whimsical rule in
Vladimir, was ruining power where it really existed. In the Horde
itself the friendly Batu was growing senile, and it was evident to all
men who knew the situation that power was slipping from him. But those
eager to rule at the Horde had not yet ventured on action. Sartak,
Batu’s son, was reigning in his father’s name, and though Berkai, his
uncle, was threatening Sartak, even with death, neither the son nor the
brother had real power.
Ulavchi, Batu’s favorite, was the man who managed every affair at the
Horde. Whoever went to Sarai at that period, however much he pleased
Berkai or Sartak, could do nothing, unless first of all he gave
presents to Ulavchi, and came to an agreement with him. Toward the end
of his long life Batu became so feeble that for two or three years
before his death no one heard of him; it was as though he had already
ceased to exist. By some accounts he died in 1255, by others two years
earlier. It was difficult to tell who held power at Sarai during that
period. No matter where one looked, disorder was evident.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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