The Moral and Intellectual Diversity of Races: With Particular Reference to Their Respective Influence in the Civil and Political History of MankindGobineau, Arthur, comte de
Philosophy
The Moral and Intellectual Diversity of Races: With Particular Reference to Their Respective Influence in the Civil and Political History of Mankind
And as a last touch, to complete the picture, let us not forget those
people who, then as now, formed the most numerous of all parties: those
that belonged to none--people who are too weak-minded, or indifferent,
or apprehensive, or disgusted, to lay hold of a truth, from among the
midst of contradictory theories that float around them--people who are
content with order when it exists, submit passively in times of disorder
and confusion; who admire the increase of conveniences and comforts of
life unknown to their ancestors, and who, without thinking further,
centre their hope in the future and pride in the present, in the
reflection: "What wonderful facilities we enjoy now-a-days."
There would be some reason for believing in an improvement in political
science, if we had invented some governmental machinery which had
hitherto been unknown, or at least never carried into practice. This
glory we cannot arrogate to ourselves. Limited monarchies were known in
every age. There are even some very curious examples of this form of
government found among certain Indian tribes who, nevertheless, have
remained savages. Democratic and aristocratic republics of every form,
and balanced in the most varied manner, flourished in the new world as
well as the old. Tlascala is as complete a model of this kind as
Athens, Sparta, or Mecca before Mohammed's times. And even supposing
that we have applied to governmental science some secondary principle of
our own invention, does this justify us in our exaggerated pretension to
unlimited perfectibility? Let us rather be modest, and say with the
wisest of kings: "_Nil novi sub sole._"[177]
It is said that our manners are milder than those of the other great
human societies; this assertion also is very open to criticism. There
are some philanthropists who would induce nations no longer to resort to
armies in settling their quarrels. The idea is borrowed from Seneca.
Some of the Eastern sages professed the same principles in this respect
as the Moravian Brethren. But assuming that the members of the Peace
Congress succeed in disgusting Europe with the turmoil and miseries of
warfare, they would still have the difficult task left of forever
transforming the human passions. Neither Seneca nor the Eastern sages
have been able to accomplish this, and it may reasonably be doubted
whether this grand achievement is reserved for our generation. We
possess pure and exalted principles, I admit, but are they carried into
practice? Look at our fields, the streets of our cities--the bloody
traces of contests as fierce as any recorded in history are scarcely yet
effaced. Never since the beginning of our civilization has there been an
interval of peace of fifty years, and we are, in this respect, far
behind ancient Italy, which, under the Romans, once enjoyed two
centuries of perfect tranquillity. But even so long a repose would not
warrant us in concluding that the temple of Janus was thenceforth to be
forever closed.
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