It is partly because men did not assume nobility in man, and were
therefore unready to look for it or notice it, and therefore did not
tell others of it when it did break forth, that we heard so little
concerning the finest conduct of the soldiers of all the belligerent
powers, friend and foe alike. Think of the sportsmanlike treatment of
enemies while the fighting was still going on; the magnanimity that
was taken for granted in individual relations between warriors; the
countless deeds of mercy both within the area of hostilities and round
about, both during and after the conflict; the half dumb, and wholly
blind, belief of many a soldier that he was doing his utmost for an
ideal cause; and do not forget the sincere response of the mass of the
American people to the idealism of the “Fourteen Points.” Weigh all
this, and then add to it the fact that war-makers cannot get their
own people to fight without first deceitfully frightening them or
artificially working up hatred by means of propaganda.
Here, as in the case of the war-profiteer, we behold moral confusion,
but on the whole a downward trend in our regard for our own qualities.
Our returning soldiers, voicing the slogan “Treat ’em rough!” and
applying it alike to former enemies and to citizens who made moral
distinctions with respect to former enemies, gave us a hint of the
extent to which belief in force as the arbiter of human relations was
spreading. Taken simply and without qualification, this belief means,
among other things, that men are bound to fight, and that when they
fight they will be ruthless butchers on the field and smug profiteers
at home. This is not quite true, but why do we constantly drift towards
a belief that it is? Why do we not counteract it by bringing into the
foreground the generosity that men actually exhibit, and even the fact
that lower and higher motives are struggling within them? A war does
not suddenly create such beliefs. They were here before 1914; they
helped make the world-catastrophe possible, but they have now been
accelerated by their own work.
We now have the clue to certain incidents and phases of the
peace-making. It was a peace-making only in the relatively superficial
sense of pausing in the use of explosives. It was not reconciliation;
it was external, not psychic; and it was external because all the
peacemakers assumed that the conventionally accepted motives are
fundamental in human nature and are to be dominant “world without end.”
Underneath all the instability of the peace and all the insincerity of
such measures as the mandates is a low conception of what we are, what
we want, and what we are capable of becoming--a conception that was not
created by the War.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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