Mary, Queen of Scots, 1542-1587; Queens -- Scotland -- Biography; Scotland -- History -- Mary Stuart, 1542-1567
All this is explained, if Letter II. was a revised and less explicit
edition of the letter first reported on by Lennox; or if the letter first
quoted was an improved and more vigorous version of a genuine Letter II.
Mr. Hosack, when he had only Moray’s account of the mysterious letter
before him, considered it fatal to the authenticity of Letter II., which
he thought a cleverly watered-down version of the mysterious letter, and,
like it, a forgery. Mr. Hosack’s theory is reinforced by Lennox’s longer
account of the mysterious epistle. But he overlooked the possibility that
Letter II. may not be a diluted copy of the forgery, but a genuine
original on which the forgery was based. It may be asked, if the Letter
touched on by Lennox and Moray was a forged letter, why was it dropped,
and why was another substituted before the meeting of Commissioners at
York? As we have only brief condensed reports of the Letter which never
was produced, our answer must be incomplete. But Moray’s description of
the document speaks of ‘the house where the explosion was arranged,’
before Mary left Edinburgh for Glasgow. Now, according to one confession,
taken after the finding of the Casket, namely on December 8, 1567, the
explosion was not dreamed of ‘till within two days before the
murder.’[253] Therefore Mary could not, on reflection, be made to write
that the gunpowder plot was arranged before January 21, 1567, for that
contradicted the confession, and the confession was put in as evidence.
The proceedings of Mary’s accusers, therefore, may have taken the
following line. First, having certainly got hold of a silver casket of
Mary’s, about June 21, 1567, they either added a forgery, or, perhaps,
interpolated, as her Lords said, ‘the most principal and substantious’
clauses. They probably gave copies to du Croc: and they told Throckmorton
that they had not only letters, but _witnesses_ of Mary’s guilt. These
witnesses doubtless saw Mary at the murder ‘in male apparel,’ as Lennox
says some declared that she was. But these witnesses were never produced.
They sent, probably, by ‘Jhone a Forret,’ copies to Moray, one of which,
the mysterious letter, in July, 1567, he partly described to de Silva. In
June, 1568, they sent translated copies into England with Wood. These were
not seen by Sussex, Norfolk, and Sadleyr (the men who, later, sat as
Commissioners at York), but Wood, perhaps, showed them, or parts of them,
to Lennox, who cited portions of the mysterious Letter in his first
indictment. But, when Moray, Morton, Lethington, and the other
Commissioners of the Lords were bound for the Inquiry at York, they looked
over their hand of cards, re-examined their evidence. They found that the
‘long letter’ cited by Moray and Lennox contradicted the confession of
Bowton, and was altogether too large and mythical. They therefore
manufactured a subtler new edition, or fell back upon a genuine Letter II.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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