The Negro and the Nation: A History of American Slavery and EnfranchisementMerriam, George Spring
History
The Negro and the Nation: A History of American Slavery and Enfranchisement
Merriam, George Spring
African Americans -- History; Slavery -- United States -- History
This last declaration illustrated the second line of defense, behind the
Secessionist advance. The sentiment was general throughout the South,
even among Unionists, that there must be no armed repression of
Secession. It rested partly on the theory of State Sovereignty, and
partly on the sympathy of neighborhood and of common institutions. Even
at the North there was wide disinclination to the use of force against
the Secessionists. The venerable General Scott, chief of the Federal
Army, gave it as his personal opinion that the wise course was to say,
"Wayward sisters, depart in peace." The New York _Tribune_, foremost of
Republican newspapers, declared: "If the cotton States wish to withdraw
from the Union, they should be allowed to do so." "Any attempt to compel
them to remain by force would be contrary to the principles of the
Declaration of Independence, and to the fundamental ideas upon which
human liberty is based." And again: "We hope never to live in a Republic
whereof one section is pinned to the residue by bayonets." Such
expressions were not uncommon among Republicans, and very frequent among
Democrats. Garrison and Phillips were loud in welcoming a separation.
But there were leaders like Wade of Ohio and Chandler of Michigan, whose
temper was very different, and ominous that the West would never consent
to a disruption of the nation.
The governor of Virginia invited all the States to send delegates to a
Peace congress to find means to save the Union. Almost all sent
delegates, and the congress held long sessions, while the Senate and
House were essaying the same task. Little result came in either body,
because neither party would accept the other's concessions. The favorite
measure was that known as the Crittendon compromise, framed by the
Kentucky senator, of which the central feature was the extension of the
old Missouri compromise line of 36 degrees 30 minutes to the Pacific,
with express provision that all territory north of this should be free
and all south should be slave. To this the Republicans would not
consent, but they went far toward it by agreeing to a plan proposed by
Charles Francis Adams of Massachusetts,--that New Mexico (including all
present territory south of 36 degrees 30 minutes except the Indian
territory), be admitted as a State with slavery if its people should so
vote. They offered also to admit Colorado, Nevada, and Dakota as
territories, with no express exclusion of slavery. But neither side
would leave to the other the possible future extension to the South--in
Mexico and Cuba. Further, the Republicans showed a willingness to amend
the Personal Liberty laws, so far as they might be unconstitutional, and
to provide for governmental payment for fugitives who were not returned.
They expressed entire readiness to unite in a national convention for
the revision of the Constitution. And finally there was not only
proposed, but actually passed by the Senate and House, by two-thirds
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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