The Negro and the Nation: A History of American Slavery and EnfranchisementMerriam, George Spring
History
The Negro and the Nation: A History of American Slavery and Enfranchisement
Merriam, George Spring
African Americans -- History; Slavery -- United States -- History
majorities, at the very end of the session, a constitutional amendment
prohibiting any future amendment that should authorize Congress to
interfere with slavery in the States where it existed.
In vain, all,--in vain for the Republicans to hold out the olive branch,
to mutilate their own principles, and to bar the door against any
ultimate constitutional abolition of slavery. Even the slave States
still in the Union were not to be satisfied by all this, and the
Confederacy gave it no heed. And now, in the background, was visible a
rising force, in which the temper was far other than compromise. The
most significant voice came from Massachusetts. After all the old
antagonism of Massachusetts and South Carolina,--after the clash of
Calhoun and Hayne with Webster, the expulsion of Samuel Hoar, the
assault of Brooks on Sumner,--the two commonwealths stood forth, each
the leader of its own section. It was a hostility which sprung from no
accident, and no remembrance of old feuds, but from the opposition of
two types of society, the oligarchic idea most fully developed in South
Carolina, the industrial democracy in Massachusetts. The new Governor of
the State was John A. Andrew, a man of clear convictions, a great heart,
and a magnanimous temper. His New Year's message to the Legislature
opened with a businesslike discussion of the State's finances and other
materialities. Thence he passed to national affairs; he defended the
Personal Liberty law, of which his more conservative predecessor,
Governor Banks, had advised the repeal, but which Andrew justified as a
legitimate defense against kidnapping; while suggesting that whatever
slaves South Carolina had lost from this cause were offset by
Massachusetts black seamen enslaved in her ports. Then he took up the
matter of disunion. "The question now is, Shall a reactionary spirit,
unfriendly to liberty, be permitted to subvert democratic republican
government organized under constitutional forms?... The men who own and
till the soil, who drive the mills, and hammer out their own iron and
leather on their own anvils and lapstones ... are honest, intelligent,
patriotic, independent, and brave. They know that simple defeat in an
election is no cause for the disruption of a government. They know that
those who declare that they will not live peaceably within the Union do
not mean to live peaceably out of it. They know that the people of all
sections have a right, which they intend to maintain, of free access
from the interior to both oceans, and from Canada to the Gulf of Mexico,
and of the free use of all the lakes and rivers and highways of
commerce, North, South, East and West. They know that the Union means
peace and unfettered commercial intercourse from sea to sea and from
shore to shore; that it secures us against the unfriendly presence or
possible dictation of any foreign power, and commands respect for our
flag and security for our trade. And they do not intend, nor will they
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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