The Negro and the Nation: A History of American Slavery and EnfranchisementMerriam, George Spring
History
The Negro and the Nation: A History of American Slavery and Enfranchisement
Merriam, George Spring
African Americans -- History; Slavery -- United States -- History
The inertia which holds men even exceptionally high-minded from breaking
strong ties of custom and convenience is shown by a letter of Patrick
Henry to a Quaker in 1773, in which he declared slavery "as repugnant to
humanity as it is inconsistent with the Bible and destructive of
liberty. Every thinking, honest man rejects it as speculation, but how
few in practice from conscientious motives! Would any one believe that I
am a master of slaves of my own purchase? I am drawn along by the
general inconvenience of living without them."
There is no need to dwell further on the anti-slavery sentiments of the
group of great leaders who were the glory of the nation. It is to be
noted that Franklin took a characteristically active part in aiding to
establish an anti-slavery society in Philadelphia in 1782. Shrewd as he
was high-minded and benevolent, Franklin was always a special master in
organizing men in societies for effective and progressive action. His
tact won France to the American alliance, and decisively turned the
scale in the Revolutionary war; and his conciliatory yet resolute spirit
was a main factor in the constitutional convention. This Pennsylvania
anti-slavery society led the way to the early adoption by the State of
gradual emancipation. Franklin, an optimist by temperament and by his
large faith in mankind, looked confidently for the early end of slavery;
as fast as men ripened into honesty and sense, he thought, they would
recognize the folly and wrong of it.
Looking from the leaders to the mass of the community, in this early
period, we see these broad facts. Slavery was regarded by all as an
evil, and by most as a wrong. Even its champions in the convention
claimed no more for it than that it was a necessary evil; one of the
Pinckneys expressed the hope of its extinction at an early day, and the
other Pinckney dissented only in thinking this too sanguine. Further,
there was a distinct wave of anti-slavery sentiment, sympathetic with
the lofty temper of the Revolution and the genesis of a free nation.
That wave was strong enough to wipe out slavery where its economic hold
was slight; it was plainly destined to sweep at least through all the
Northern and Middle States, and hope was high that it might go farther.
But this moral enthusiasm broke helpless against the institution
wherever a strong property interest was involved with it. Manumission in
the South went no further than a few individuals. Virginia and Maryland,
needing no more slaves, ceased importing them; but South Carolina and
Georgia bargained successfully for a twenty years' supply.
Massachusetts, having almost inadvertently freed her few slaves, was
willing that the stream of misery should still flow on from Africa to
the South. In a word, so far as the negroes were concerned, the supposed
material interest of the whites remained the dominating factor
throughout the country.
CHAPTER III
CONFLICT AND COMPROMISE
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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